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My Promise to Gaza

https://documents.un.org/doc/undoc/gen/n24/260/74/pdf/n2426074.pdf

https://www.state.gov/reports/2024-investment-climate-statements/west-bank-and-gaza/

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TIMELINE TO GENOCIDE

 

In 1789, when anti-Jewish propaganda was rife in Alsace, many Alsatian Jews fled to Basle and were permitted to stay there temporarily.

 On the request of the French government the city authorities in 1797 exempted French Jews entering Basle from payment of the body-tax usually imposed on Jews and, in 1798, the tax was abolished completely in the whole of Switzerland. Under Napoleon several Jews, mainly French citizens from Alsace, settled in Basle. They numbered 128 in 1805 and were organized in a community. In 1835, Jews were expelled from the new separatist canton of Basle Land and the French government broke off relations. Some of the Jews returned after a brief interval, but in 1851–54 were again forced to leave both cantons of Basle. After the granting of free settlement to the Jews of Switzerland in 1866 Jews were able to return and live in Basle.

A synagogue was consecrated in 1868

The first Zionist Congress was held in Basle in 1897 where the "*Basle Program" was adopted;

Other Zionist Congresses were subsequently held there: the second (1898), the third (1899), the fifth (1901), the sixth (1903), the seventh (1905), the 17th (1931), and the 22nd (1946).

During World War II Basle served as a temporary refuge for many Jewish refugees. Most of them left after the war.

Prominent members of the Basle community were J. Dreyfus-Brodsky, representative of Swiss Jewry in the Jewish Agency (1859–1942).

Rabbi Arthur Cohn, a leader of Agudat Israel, and his son, the lawyer Marcus Mordecai Cohn (1890–1953), an active Zionist and rabbinical scholar, who later became adviser on Jewish law to the Ministry of Justice in Israel.

 Other prominent Basle Jews were the chemist Markus Guggenheim (1885–1970) and Tadeus Reichstein (1897–1996), who was awarded the Nobel Prize for Medicine in 1950.

1885  The term “Zionism” first coined by the Viennese writer, Nathan Birnbaum.

1896  Theodor Herzl, founder of the Zionist movement, calls for “restoration of the Jewish State”.

1897  First Zionist congress takes place in Basel, Switzerland and the first Zionist organization is founded.

Theodor Herzl
Modern Zionism was officially established as a political organization by Theodor Herzl in 1897. A Jewish journalist and political activist from Austria, Herzl believed that the Jewish population couldn’t survive if it didn’t have a nation of its own.

1907  Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann visits Palestine.

1908  First Palestinian anti-Zionist weekly newspaper is published by Arab Christian Najib Nassar.

1915  British cabinet member Herbert Samuel calls for the British annexation of Palestine in memorandum “The Future of Palestine”.

1916  European Powers conclude secret Sykes-Picot agreement dividing future spheres of influence in Ottoman Empire territories.

1917  The Balfour Declaration, which resulted in a significant upheaval in the lives of Palestinians, was issued on November 2, 1917.The declaration turned the Zionist aim of establishing a Jewish state in Palestine into a reality when Britain publicly pledged to establish “a national home for the Jewish people” there.

The Balfour Declaration (“Balfour’s promise” in Arabic) was a public pledge by Britain in 1917 declaring its aim to establish “a national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine.The statement came in the form of a letter from Britain’s then-foreign secretary, Arthur Balfour, addressed to Lionel Walter Rothschild, a figurehead of the British Jewish community.
The Balfour Declaration was made during World War I (1914-1918) and was included in the terms of the British Mandate for Palestine after the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire.

The so-called mandate system, set up by the Allied powers, was a thinly veiled form of colonialism and occupation. The system transferred rule from the territories that were previously controlled by the powers defeated in the war – Germany, Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria – to the victors.The declared aim of the mandate system was to allow the winners of the war to administer the newly emerging states until they could become independent.

The case of Palestine, however, was unique. Unlike the rest of the post-war mandates, the main goal of the British Mandate there was to create the conditions for the establishment of a Jewish “national home” – where Jews constituted less than 10 percent of the population at the time.

1919 – Emir Feisal presents a memorandum to the Paris Peace Conference, outlining the case for independence of Arab countries.

1922 – The League of Nations grants mandate over former Ottoman territory Palestine to UK. Provisions include terms of the Balfour Declaration, including a “Jewish national home”.

Upon the start of the mandate, the British began to facilitate the immigration of European Jews to Palestine. Between 1922 and 1935, the Jewish population rose from nine percent to nearly 27 percent of the total population.

Though the Balfour Declaration included the caveat that “nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine”, the British mandate was set up in a way to equip Jews with the tools to establish self-rule, at the expense of the Palestinian Arabs.

The Iron Wall
Original in Russian, Razsviet, 4.11.1923
Colonisation of Palestine
Agreement with Arabs Impossible at present

Zionism Must Go Forward

It is an excellent rule to begin an article with the most important point. But this time, I find it necessary to begin with an introduction, and, moreover, with a personal introduction.

I am reputed to be an enemy of the Arabs, who wants to have them ejected from Palestine, and so forth. It is not true.

Emotionally, my attitude to the Arabs is the same as to all other nations – polite indifference. Politically, my attitude is determined by two principles. First of all, I consider it utterly impossible to eject the Arabs from Palestine. There will always be two nations in Palestine – which is good enough for me, provided the Jews
become the majority. And secondly, I belong to the group that once drew up the Helsingfors Programme, the programme of national rights for all nationalities living in the same State. In drawing up that programme, we had in mind not only the Jews ,
but all nations everywhere, and its basis is equality of rights.
I am prepared to take an oath binding ourselves and our descendants that we shall never do anything contrary to the principle of equal rights, and that we shall never try to eject anyone. This seems to me a fairly peaceful credo.
Bpeaceful aim by peaceful means. For the answer to this question does not depend on our attitude to the Arabs; but entirely on the attitude of the Arabs to us and to Zionism.

Now, after this introduction, we may proceed to the subject.
Voluntary Agreement Not Possible.

There can be no voluntary agreement between ourselves and the Palestine Arabs. Not now, nor in the prospective future. I say this with such conviction, not because I want to hurt the moderate Zionists. I do not believe that they will be hurt. Except for those who were born blind, they realised long ago that it is utterly
impossible to obtain the voluntary consent of the Palestine Arabs for converting "Palestine" from an Arab country into a country with a Jewish majority.

My readers have a general idea of the history of colonisation in other countries. I suggest that they consider all the precedents with which they are acquainted, and see whether there is one solitary instance of any colonisation being carried on with the consent of the native population. There is no such precedent.
The native populations, civilised or uncivilised, have always stubbornly resisted the colonists, irrespective of whether they were civilised or savage.

And it made no difference whatever whether the colonists behaved decently or not. The companions of Cortez and Pizzaro or (as some people will remind us) our own ancestors under Joshua Ben Nun, behaved like brigands; but the Pilgrim Fathers,
the first real pioneers of North America, were people of the highest morality, who did not want to do harm to anyone, least of all to the Red Indians, and they honestly believed that there was room enough in the prairies both for the Paleface and the Redskin. Yet the native population fought with the same ferocity against
the good colonists as against the bad.

Every native population, civilised or not, regards its lands as its national home, of which it is the sole master, and it wants to retain that mastery always; it will refuse to admit not only new masters but, even new partners or collaborators.

Arabs Not Fools
This is equally true of the Arabs. Our Peace-mongers are trying to persuade us that the Arabs are either fools, whom we can deceive by masking our real aims, or that they are corrupt and can be bribed to abandon to us their claim to priority in Palestine , in return for cultural and economic advantages. I repudiate this conception of the Palestinian Arabs. Culturally they are five hundred years behind us, they have neither our endurance nor our determination; but they are just as good psychologists as we are, and their minds have been sharpened like ours by centuries of fine-spun logomachy. We may tell them whatever we like about the innocence of our aims, watering them down and sweetening them with honeyed words to make them palatable, but they know what we want, as well as we know what they do not want.

They feel at least the same instinctive jealous love of Palestine, as the old Aztecs felt for ancient Mexico , and their Sioux for their rolling Prairies.

To imagine, as our Arabophiles do, that they will voluntarily consent to the realisation of Zionism. In return for the moral and material conveniences which the Jewish colonist brings with him, is a childish notion, which has at bottom a kind of contempt for the Arab people; it means that they despise the Arab race, which they regard as a corrupt mob that can be bought and sold, and are willing to give up their  fatherland for a good railway system.

All Natives Resist Colonists
There is no justification for such a belief. It may be that some individual Arabs take bribes. But that does not mean that the Arab people of Palestine as a whole will sell that fervent patriotism that they guard so jealously, and which even the Papuans will never sell. Every native population in the world resists colonists as
long as it has the slightest hope of being able to rid itself of the danger of being colonised.

That is what the Arabs in Palestine are doing, and what they will persist in doing as long as there remains a solitary spark of hope that they will be able to prevent the transformation of "Palestine" into the "Land of Israel."

Arab Comprehension

Some of us have induced ourselves to believe that all the trouble is due to misunderstanding – the Arabs have not understood us, and that is the only reason why they resist us ;if we can only make it clear to them how moderate our intentions really are, they will immediately extend to us their hand in friendship.

This belief is utterly unfounded and it has been exploded again and again. I shall recall only one instance of many. A few years ago, when the late Mr. Sokolow  was on one of his periodic visits to Palestine, he addressed a meeting on this very question of the "misunderstanding." He demonstrated lucidly and convincingly that the Arabs are terribly mistaken if they think that we have any desire to deprive them of their possessions or to drive them our of the country, or that we want to oppress them. We do not even ask for a Jewish Government to hold the Mandate of the League of Nations.

One of the Arab papers, "El Carmel," replied at the time, in an editorial article, the purport of which was this:

The Zionists are making a fuss about nothing. There is no misunderstanding. All that Mr. Sokolow says about the Zionist intentions is true, but the Arabs know that without him. Of course, the Zionists cannot now be thinking of driving the Arabs out of the country, or oppressing them, not do they contemplate a Jewish Government. Quite obviously, they are now concerned with one thing only- that the Arabs should not hinder their immigration. The
Zionists assure us that even immigration will be regulated strictly according to the economic needs of Palestine. The Arabs have never doubted that: it is a  truism, for otherwise there can be no immigration.

No "Misunderstanding"

This Arab editor was actually willing to agree that Palestine has a very large potential absorptive capacity, meaning that there is room for a great many Jews in the country without displacing a single Arab. There is only one thing the Zionists want, and it is that one thing that the Arabs do not want, for that is the way by which the Jews would gradually become the majority, and then a Jewish Government would follow automatically, and the future of the Arab minority would depend on the goodwill of the Jews; and a minority status is not a good thing, as the Jews themselves
are never tired of pointing out. So there is no "misunderstanding".

The Zionists want only one thing, Jewish immigration; and this Jewish immigration is what the Arabs do not want.

This statement of the position by the Arab editor is so logical, so obvious, so indisputable, that everyone ought to know it by heart, and it should be made the basis of all our future discussions on the Arab question. It does not matter at all which phraseology we employ in explaining our colonising aims, Herzl's or Sir Herbert
Samuel's.

Colonisation carries its own explanation, the only possible explanation, unalterable and as clear as daylight to every ordinary Jew and every ordinary Arab. Colonisation can have only one aim, and Palestine Arabs cannot accept this aim. It lies in the very nature of things, and in this particular regard nature cannot be
changed.

The Iron Wall

We cannot offer any adequate compensation to the Palestinian Arabs in return for Palestine. And therefore, there is no likelihood of any voluntary agreement being reached. So that all those who regard such an agreement as a condition sine qua non for Zionism may as well say "non" and withdraw from Zionism.

Zionist colonisation must either stop, or else proceed regardless of the native population. Which means that it can proceed and develop only under the protection of a power that is independent of the native population – behind an iron wall, which the native population cannot breach.

That is our Arab policy; not what we should be, but what it actually is, whether we admit it or not. What need, otherwise, of the Balfour Declaration? Or of the Mandate? Their value to us is that outside Power has undertaken to create in the country such conditions of administration and security that if the native population should desire to hinder our work, they will find it impossible.

And we are all of us ,without any exception, demanding day after day that this outside Power, should carry out this task vigorously and with determination. In this matter there is no difference between our "militarists" and our "vegetarians". Except that the first prefer that the iron wall should consist of Jewish soldiers, and the others are content that they should be British.

We all demand that there should be an iron wall. Yet we keep spoiling our own case, by talking about "agreement" which means telling the Mandatory Government that the important thing is not the iron wall, but discussions. Empty rhetoric of this kind is dangerous. And that is why it is not only a pleasure but a duty
to discredit it and to demonstrate that it is both fantastic and dishonest.

Zionism Moral and Just

Two brief remarks:

In the first place, if anyone objects that this point of view is immoral, I answer: It is not true: either Zionism is moral and just ,or it is immoral and unjust.But that is a question that we should have settled before we became Zionists.Actually we have settled that question, and in the affirmative.

We hold that Zionism is moral and just. And since it is moral and just, justice must be done, no matter whether Joseph or Simon or Ivan or Achmet agree with it or not. There is no other morality.

Eventual Agreement
In the second place, this does not mean that there cannot be any agreement with the Palestine Arabs. What is impossible is a voluntary agreement. As long as the Arabs feel that there is the least hope of getting rid of us, they will refuse to give up this hope in return for either kind words or for bread and butter, because they are not a rabble, but a living people. And when a living people yields in matters of such a vital character it is only when there is no longer any hope of getting rid of us, because they
can make no breach in the iron wall. Not till then will they drop their extremist leaders whose watchword is "Never!" And the leadership will pass to the moderate groups, who will approach us with a proposal that we should both agree to mutual concessions. Then we may expect them to discuss honestly practical questions, such as a guarantee against Arab displacement, or equal rights for Arab citizen, or Arab national integrity.

And when that happens, I am convinced that we Jews will be found ready to give them satisfactory guarantees, so that both peoples can live together in peace, like good neighbours.

But the only way to obtain such an agreement, is the iron wall, which is to say a strong power in Palestine that is not amenable to any Arab pressure. In other words, the only way to reach an agreement in the future is to abandon all idea of seeking an agreement at present.

https://en.jabotinsky.org/media/9747/the-iron-wall.pdf
 

King David Hotel opened in 1931, it was built with locally quarried pink limestone and was founded by Ezra Mosseri, a wealthy Egyptian Jewish banker. It is located on King David Street in the centre of Jerusalem, overlooking the Old City and Mount Zion, and is named after the Biblical King David.

1933 – Palestinians riot amid sudden rise in Jewish immigration from Nazi persecution in Germany.

In 1934, Cordell Hull helped secure the passage of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act (RTAA), which gave the President the authority to personally negotiate bilateral tariff reductions.

1936 August--230 delegates representing Jewish communities in 32 countries met in Geneva, Switzerland, in August 1936 to establish the World Jewish Congress.

1936/1939 – Palestinian rebellion against the British Mandate and Jewish immigration.

1937 – UK Peel Commission Report publicly recognizes conflict’s irreconcilable terms and recommends partition of Palestine.

1939 – UK issues White Paper limiting Jewish immigration.

 

April 30, 2012
Benzion Netanyahu, the father of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, dies at home in Jerusalem at the age of 102.

He was born Benzion Mileikowsky on March 25, 1910, in Warsaw. His father was a rabbi who toured Europe and the United States to make speeches on behalf of Zionism. He took the family to Palestine in 1920 and changed the last name to Netanyahu (“God-given”).

Netanyahu studied medieval history at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and became active in Revisionist Zionism, a more militant, expansive form of Jewish nationalism led by Ze’ev Jabotinsky. Netanyahu lobbied in the United States from 1940 to 1948 to win support for the creation of Israel and for the vision of the Revisionist Zionists, whose New Zionist organization he led after Jabotinsky’s death.

Despite dreaming of a greater Israel and rejecting compromise with the British or the Arabs, Netanyahu eventually came to support the state of Israel in the area set aside under the U.N. partition plan of 1947.

His hawkish views were reflected in his work as a historian. He specialized in the Spanish Inquisition, arguing that Jewish converts to Catholicism were persecuted on a racial basis and not for continuing to practice Judaism. He said that Jewish history “is a history of holocausts” and that the Nazi genocide was different only in scale. He also served as an editor of the Hebrew Encyclopedia.

In addition to Benjamin, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, he was survived by son Iddo, a radiologist and writer. Another son, Yonatan, was killed leading the raid on Entebbe in 1976.

https://israeled.org/netanyahus-father-dies/


1942 – US Zionists meet in NY and adopt the “Biltmore Programme,” calling for establishment of Palestine as a Jewish Commonwealth and for unlimited immigration.

184Cordell Hull served as a delegate to the United Nations Conference in San Francisco in 1945.

On July 22, 1946, Irgun fighters blew up a wing of the King David hotel, killing over 90 people.

Does the King David hotel still exist?
KING DAVID HOTEL - (Jerusalem ...The King David remains the only luxury property to stay in within Jerusalem with a historic past and maintaining its old world elegance. It is always refreshing to enter the hotel and the dining room to be greeted by the same staff, Hany, in particular in the dining room , who has been there for decades.

Trygve Lie (Norway), the First Secretary-General of the United Nations held office from February 1946 to his resignation in November 1952.

Lease agreements from 1947 show that land situated within the area designated for a planned US diplomatic compound in Jerusalem belonged to Palestinians before the State of Israel was founded, according to a report by the Adalah NGO and legal center published on Sunday.

In February 1947, UK proposes to relinquish its mandatory role and places the question of Palestine before the UN.
 

The Arab-Israeli War of 1948
The Arab-Israeli War of 1948 broke out when five Arab nations invaded territory in the former Palestinian mandate immediately following the announcement of the independence of the state of Israel on May 14, 1948. In 1947, and again on May 14, 1948, the United States had offered de facto recognition of the Israeli Provisional Government, but during the war, the United States maintained an arms embargo against all belligerents.

On November 29, 1947, the United Nations General Assembly adopted Resolution 181 (also known as the Partition Resolution) that would divide Great Britain's former Palestinian mandate into Jewish and Arab states in May 1948. Under the resolution, the area of religious significance surrounding Jerusalem would remain under international control administered by the United Nations. The Palestinian Arabs refused to recognize this arrangement, which they regarded as favorable to the Jews and unfair to the Arab population that would remain in Jewish territory under the partition. The United States sought a middle way by supporting the United Nations resolution, but also encouraging negotiations between Arabs and Jews in the Middle East.

The United Nations resolution sparked conflict between Jewish and Arab groups within Palestine. Fighting began with attacks by irregular bands of Palestinian Arabs attached to local units of the Arab Liberation Army composed of volunteers from Palestine and neighboring Arab countries. These groups launched their attacks against Jewish cities, settlements, and armed forces. The Jewish forces were composed of the Haganah, the underground militia of the Jewish community in Palestine, and two small irregular groups, the Irgun, and LEHI. The goal of the Arabs was initially to block the Partition Resolution and to prevent the establishment of the Jewish state. The Jews, on the other hand, hoped to gain control over the territory allotted to them under the Partition Plan.

After Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948, the fighting intensified with other Arab forces joining the Palestinian Arabs in attacking territory in the former Palestinian mandate. On the eve of May 14, the Arabs launched an air attack on Tel Aviv, which the Israelis resisted. This action was followed by the invasion of the former Palestinian mandate by Arab armies from Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Egypt. Saudi Arabia sent a formation that fought under the Egyptian command. British trained forces from Transjordan eventually intervened in the conflict, but only in areas that had been designated as part of the Arab state under the United Nations Partition Plan and the corpus separatum of Jerusalem. After tense early fighting, Israeli forces, now under joint command, were able to gain the offensive.

Though the United Nations brokered two cease-fires during the conflict, fighting continued into 1949. Israel and the Arab states did not reach any formal armistice agreements until February. Under separate agreements between Israel and the neighboring states of Egypt, Lebanon, Transjordan, and Syria, these bordering nations agreed to formal armistice lines. Israel gained some territory formerly granted to Palestinian Arabs under the United Nations resolution in 1947. Egypt and Jordan retained control over the Gaza Strip and the West Bank respectively. These armistice lines held until 1967. The United States did not become directly involved with the armistice negotiations, but hoped that instability in the Middle East would not interfere with the international balance of power between the Soviet Union and the United States. The Arab-Israeli War of 1948 ultimately led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinian Arabs.
https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/ho/time/cwr/97178.htm
 

 

 


In September, the UN Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) issues a report to the General Assembly with plans for partition or a federal state in Palestine.

In November, the UN General Assembly adopts resolution 181(II) which called to divide Palestine into an un-named “Jewish State” and an un-named “Arab State” with Jerusalem under UN trusteeship.

April 1948 – Deir Yassin massacre: Zionist paramilitary groups kill hundreds of Palestinian Arabs in Deir Yassin, a village near Jerusalem.

May 1948 – Great Britain terminates the Mandate over Palestine and Israel declares independence on 15 May. First large-scale displacement of Palestine refugees; 15 May becomes an official day to mark the Palestinian Nakba (“catastrophe”). The first Arab-Israeli War broke out when five Arab nations – Egypt, Transjordan (Jordan), Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon – invaded firstly the areas in southern and eastern Palestine not apportioned to the Jewish State by the UN partition of Palestine, and later, East Jerusalem.

United Nations Palestine Mediator to Report to Security Council on Palestine
Count Folke Bernadotte (Sweden), United Nations Palestine Mediator, and spouse Estelle Manville-Bernadotte, on their arrival at La Guardia Airport. He is to report to the Security Council on the issue of Palestine.
United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO)

Count Folke Bernadotte appointed UN Mediator in Palestine by the UN General Assembly. He is assassinated four months later by a Zionist militant group. Security Council establishes a group of military observers to supervise truce, which later became UNTSO.

The Israel Defense Forces, alternatively referred to by the Hebrew-language acronym Tzahal, is the national military of the State of Israel. It consists of three service branches: the Israeli Ground Forces, the Israeli Air Force, and the Israeli Navy. It is the sole military wing of the Israeli security apparatus.
Founded: May 26, 1948
Subsidiary: *Sayeret Matkal

*** Founder: Avraham Arnan
Founded: 1957
Active: 5th Company, Unit 154 (1957–1958); Unit 269 (1958–?); Sayeret Matkal (?–present); 1957–present
Branch: Military Intelligence Directorate
Motto(s): המעז מנצח (Who Dares Wins)
Nickname(s): The Unit
Part of: IDF General Staff Headquarters; Aman (Special Operations Division (He))

November 1948 – UN establishes UNRPR special fund to provide relief to over 500,000 Palestine refugees.

December 1948 – UN General Assembly passes resolution 194 calling for refugees to be allowed to return, Jerusalem to be under international regime, UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP) replaces UN mediator.

Is Austria an ally of Israel?
Israel and Austria have been enjoying diplomatic relations since 1949. Benjamin Netanyahu is the first Israeli Prime Minister to travel to Vienna for an official visit. Austrian President Alexander Van der Bellen visited Israel to strengthen bilateral relations as well as to discuss regional security issues.

May 1949 – UNGA adopts Resolution 273 (III) admitting Israel as UN member.

December 1949 – UN establishes UNRWA to replace UNRPR (GA Resolution 302 (IV)).
Background Information:
UNRWA is the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.

The United Nations General Assembly established UNRWA in 1949 with a mandate to provide humanitarian assistance and protection to registered Palestine refugees in the Agency’s area of operations pending a just and lasting solution to their plight.
UNRWA operates in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, The Gaza Strip, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria.

Shayetet 13
Founder: Yohai Ben-Nun
Founded: 1949
Active: 1948–present
Branch: Israeli Navy
Garrison/HQ: Atlit naval base
Motto(s): As the bat emerges from the darkness, As the blade cuts through with silence, As the grenade smashes in rage
Nickname(s): השייטת (HaShayetet, The Flotilla)

Shayetet 13 specializes in sea-to-land incursions, counter-terrorism, sabotage, maritime intelligence gathering, maritime hostage rescue, and boarding.

Tens of thousands of Palestine refugees who lost their homes and livelihoods due to the 1948 conflict continue to be displaced and in need of support, nearly 75 years on.

UNRWA helps Palestine Refugees achieve their full potential in human development through quality services it provides in education, health care, relief and social services, protection, camp infrastructure and improvement, microfinance, and emergency assistance. UNRWA is funded almost entirely by voluntary contributions. https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/news-releases/government-austria-contributes-eur-47-million-unrwa

UN Secretary-General Announces Appointment of Director of UNRWA
The newly appointed Director of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, Major-General Howard Kennedy (left), of Canada, shakes hands with UN Secretary-General Trygvie Lie.

Flag of Israel Takes its Place among Flags of Member Nations at UN Headquarters
Flag of Israel is hoisted to its place in the great circle among the flags of the Member Nations at United Nations Headquarters. Seen holding flag at right is Moshe Sharett, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Israel, and other members of the delegation at the left.

February/July 1949 – Israel signs armistice agreements with Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria.

April 1949 – UN Conciliation Commission convenes Lausanne Conference to reconcile the parties.

Tel Aviv
Major-General Emmanuel Erskine (Ghana), Interim Commander of the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), met in Beirut today with the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization, Mr. Yasser Arafat. During the meeting, General Erskine conveyed to Mr. Arafat an appeal which Secretary-general Kurt Waldheim issued on 27 March for a general cease-fire in Southern Lebanon. Mr. Arafat greeting General Erskine at the PLO Headquarters in Beirut. Looking on are Mr. James O C Jonah. (2nd from right), of the Secretary-General's office.

1950 – Israel moves its capital from Tel Aviv to the western part of Jerusalem, in defiance of UN resolutions, and the West Bank is brought formally under Jordanian control.

1953- Dag Hammarskjöld (Sweden), the Second  Secretary-General of the United Nations served from April 1953 until his death in a plane crash in Africa in September 1961

 

Sayeret Matkal   Founder: Avraham Arnan
Founded: 1957
Active: 5th Company, Unit 154 (1957–1958); Unit 269 (1958–?); Sayeret Matkal (?–present); 1957–present
Branch: Military Intelligence Directorate
Motto(s): המעז מנצח (Who Dares Wins)
Nickname(s): The Unit
Part of: IDF General Staff Headquarters; Aman (Special Operations Division (He))

U Thant (Burma, now Myanmar),  served  Secretary-General of the United Nations from November 1961, when he was appointed acting Secretary-General (he was formally appointed Secretary-General in November 1962) to December 1971

 

1964 – Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) is founded in Cairo.

1957

MMM 3M Industrials Industrial Conglomerates Saint Paul, Minnesota 1957-03-04 0000066740 1902 (S&P 500 component stocks)

ADM ADM Consumer Staples Agricultural Products & Services Chicago, Illinois 1957-03-04 0000007084 1902 

AEP American Electric Power Utilities Electric Utilities Columbus, Ohio 1957-03-04 0000004904 1906
 

MO Altria Consumer Staples Tobacco Richmond, Virginia 1957-03-04 0000764180 1985

ABT Abbott Health Care Health Care Equipment North Chicago, Illinois 1957-03-04 0000001800 1888 (S&P 500 component stocks)



At it's 1373rd meeting, on November 9, 1967, the Council decided to invite the representives of the United Arab Republic, Israel and JordaN TO PARTICIPATE, WITHOUT VOTE, IN THE DISCUSSION OF THE ITEM ENTITLED "The situation in the Middle Middle East: Letter dated 7 November 1967 from Permanent Representative of the United Arab Republic addressed to the President of Security Council (S/8226)".  11

At its 1375th meeting, on 13 November 1967, the Council decided to invite the representative of Syria to participate, without vote, in the discussion of the question.

Resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967

The Security Council,

Expressing  its continuing concern with the grave situation in the Middle East,

Expressing  the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war and   the need  to work for a just and lasting peace in which every State in the area can live in security,

Emphasizing further  that all Member States in their acceptance of the Charter of the United Nations have undertaken a commitment to act in accordance with Article 2 of the Charter,

  1, Affirms that the fulfillment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both the following principles:

  (i) Withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict;

  (ii) Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within sedure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force;

   2. Affirms further  the necessity

  (a) For guaranteeing  freedom of navigation through international waterways in the area;

  (b)  For achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem;

  (c)  For guaranteeing the territorial  inviolability and political independence of every State in the area,  through measures including the establishment of demilitarized zones;

   3. Requests  the Secretary-General to designate a Special Representative to proceed to the Middle East to establish and maintain contacts with the States concerned in order to promote agreement and assist efforts to achieve a peaceful and accepted settlement in accordance with the provisions and principles in this resolution;

  4. Requests  the Secretary-General to report to the Security Council on the progress of the efforts of the Special Representative as soon as possible.

Adopted unanimously at the 1382nd meeting

http://unscr.com/en/resolutions/doc/242


Arab-Israeli War of 1967
On the morning of June 5, 1967, Israel launched a preemptive strike against Egyptian forces in response to Egypt's closing of the Straits of Tiran. By June 11, the conflict had come to include Jordan and Syria. As a result of this conflict, Israel gained control over the Sinai peninsula, the Golan Heights, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem. Israeli claims on these territories, and the question of the Palestinians stranded there, posed a long term challenge to Middle East diplomacy.

Since the Arab-Israeli War of 1948, the Israelis had clashed intermittently with Palestinian Arabs and Arab forces from the neighboring states. By the mid-1960s, these incidents intensified causing increased diplomatic tensions in the Middle East. On April 7, 1967 a skirmish on land turned into a major air battle during which Israel shot down six Syrian MiG aircraft over Mount Hermon on the Golan Heights. This led President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt immediately offered to assist Syria in the event of a future Israeli attack.

On May 13, Nasser received a secret message from the Soviet Union, which supplied both Egypt and Syria with weapons, informing him that Israel had massed troops on the Syrian border. Nasser took immediate steps to uphold his pledge to Syria. On May 14, he mobilized his army, and, three days later, he asked United Nations Secretary General U Thant to remove the United Nations Emergency Forces that had been stationed on the Sinai Peninsula since the end of the Suez Canal Crisis of 1956. The Secretary General agreed to a full withdrawal. Nasser then closed the Straits of Tiran on May 21 to all shipping both to and from Israel.

U.S. President Lyndon Johnson condemned the Egyptian blockade of the Straits of Tiran and tried to discourage a war while still supporting Israel. Although Arab nations believed that Johnson would support an Israeli military action, the United States did not want to be drawn into another armed conflict as it was already committed to fighting the Vietnam War. In a public address on May 23, President Johnson denied Egypt's right to interfere with the shipping rights of any nation in the Gulf of Aqaba and committed the United States to supporting the rights of all the nations in the region. He warned that the United States would oppose aggression by any state in the area but encouraged diplomatic negotiations.

By the end of May, despite diplomatic efforts, tensions continued to rise. The withdrawal of the United Nations forces from the Sinai, the redeployment of Egyptian troops to the Sinai, the massing of hostile forces on the Israeli border, and the signing of a Mutual Defense Pact between Egypt and Jordan on May 30, weakened U.S. efforts to dissuade Israel from taking military action. The war began on June 5, 1967, when Israeli airplanes attacked the Egyptian air force and destroyed many airfields. Between June 5 and June 11, Israeli Defense Forces led onslaughts against Egyptian forces in Sinai and Gaza, and against the Jordanian military in East Jerusalem and the West Bank. The conflict ended with significant battles against Syrian forces on the Golan Heights between June 9 and 10. By June 11, Israel controlled territory previously held by the Arabs in the Sinai, the Golan Heights, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem.

The United States and the Soviet Union did not intervene in this conflict and pledged that they would make every effort to end the fighting. Soviet and U.S. officials cooperated in the United Nations Security Council to broker cease-fire agreements.

Following the war, the issue of the return of Israel-occupied territories received most attention. U.S. President Johnson spoke out against any permanent change in the legal and political status of the Israeli-occupied territories and emphasized that Arab land should be returned only as part of an overall peace settlement that recognized Israel's right to exist. The principle of land for peace was embodied in United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 adopted in November 1967. Resolution 242 called for the Israeli withdrawal from the territories it had occupied following the 1967 war in exchange for peace with its neighbors. The land for peace formula served as the basis for future Middle East negotiations.

U.S. Department of State
https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/ho/time/ea/97187.htm

 

1967 – Six-day war: Israel occupies West Bank, including East Jerusalem, Gaza, Golan Heights, and Sinai Peninsula.

In November, the UN Security Council unanimously adopts Resolution 242 (Land for peace).

1968 – Establishment of UN Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories.

A fence along the border was first constructed by Israel in 1971 as a security barrier, and has been rebuilt and upgraded since. It was constructed by Israel to control the movement of people as well as goods between the Gaza Strip and Israel, which it could not achieve by normal border crossings.

In February 1971, however, Egyptian President Anwar Sadat presented the Nixon administration with a new opportunity for Arab-Israeli peacemaking. Sadat proposed that Egypt would reopen the Suez Canal if the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) pulled back from the Canal’s east bank and later agreed to a timetable for further withdrawals. He also indicated that he would renounce all claims of belligerency against Israel if the IDF withdrew to the international border. Rogers’ efforts to capitalize on Sadat’s statements by working toward an interim settlement, however, were opposed by the Israelis, and received little support from Kissinger and Nixon. Kissinger believed that Egyptian proposals for an interim settlement, along with a Soviet peace plan tabled that September, would be rejected by the Israelis, and did not want discord over the Middle East to undermine efforts at détente before the Moscow summit of May 1972. For Nixon, such reasoning was reinforced by a desire to avoid a crisis in U.S.-Israeli relations before the 1972 presidential elections.
https://history.state.gov/milestones/1969-1976/arab-israeli-war-1973

1972- Kurt Waldheim (Austria), was Secretary-General of the United Nations from January 1972 to December 1981
 

Arab-Israeli War 1973
On October 6, 1973, Egypt and Syria launched a coordinated surprise attack on Israeli forces in the Sinai and the Golan Heights. Israel ultimately repelled the attack and regained lost ground, but only after the United States made the decision to supply the Israeli military. This war ultimately compelled the Nixon administration to step up its efforts to settle the decades old dispute.

Following the end of the Arab-Israeli War of 1967, the United States Government had worked toward implementing United Nations Resolution 242 that required Israel and its Arab neighbors to conclude peace treaties in exchange for Israeli withdrawal from occupied territory. Initial efforts proved unsuccessful. The Jarring initiatives, begun in November 1967 to broker a peace agreement, collapsed in 1971. The Rogers Plan of 1969 called for a settlement requiring Israel to return to its pre-1967 international borders in return for Arab recognition of Israel. However, Israel and its Arab neighbors were unable to reach a compromise over the occupied territories.

With negotiations stalled, Egyptian and Syrian forces attacked Israeli forces on October 6, 1973 in the Sinai and the Golan Heights in an effort to regain territory they had lost during the 1967 war. These attacks occurred on the holiest day in the Jewish calendar, Yom Kippur, and took Israeli forces by surprise as Israeli intelligence had failed to detect the months of secret preparations by Egypt and Syria.

During the first few days of the war, Egypt and Syria secured victories in the Sinai and the Golan. In the south, Egyptian forces crossed the Suez Canal and overran the Israeli military's extensive fortifications, forcing the Israelis back. The Israelis did not fare better in the Golan Heights. Israeli positions in the eastern Golan fell to the advancing Syrian army. With a lack of tanks and manpower, Israeli troops had to withdraw from many positions in the southern sector of the Golan Heights.

By October 9, Israeli forces were able to contain the threat on both fronts. Because Egypt had consolidated its positions in Western Sinai instead of assisting the Syrians to the east, the Israelis used more of their resources against the Syrian forces in the Golan. Once Syria was put on the defensive, Israel could concentrate more of its forces in the Sinai. Despite these successes, Israel could not take the offensive without the certainty of an adequate supply of military equipment.

In response to Israeli losses and encouraged by Soviet support of Egypt and Syria, the United States, after much deliberation, decided to intervene on behalf of Israel. The United States offered Israel a full-scale airlift of military equipment on October 10. This U.S. assistance served to replenish Israeli forces and Israel launched an offensive that retook most of it territorial losses and even gained some ground against both the Egyptians and Syrians. Arab members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries responded to the U.S. airlift by organizing an oil embargo against the United States.

Israel's refusal to stop fighting after a United Nations cease-fire was in place on October 22 nearly involved the Soviet Union in the military confrontation. On October 25 and 26, the Soviet Union threatened to send troops into Egypt to save the Egyptian Third Army from Israeli encirclement. The United States went on nuclear alert and, fearing that the situation might escalate into global conflict, applied pressure on Israel to obey the cease-fire.

The Arab-Israeli War of 1973 ended the stalemate in peace negotiations that had existed prior to the war. Following the military confrontation against Syria and Egypt, Israel was more amenable to a peace settlement. The United States also began to re-examine its policy in the Middle East when it faced the Arab oil embargo at the end of the war. Settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict became a top priority for the United States, and U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger embarked on a negotiation mission that became known as "shuttle diplomacy." Although he did not succeed in ending the Arab-Israeli conflict, he did achieve two disengagement agreements signed between Israel and Egypt in January 1974 and September 1975 and a similar agreement between Israel and Syria in May 1994.

https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/ho/time/dr/97192.htm#:~:text=The%20United%20States%20offered%20Israel,both%20the%20Egyptians%20and%20Syrians.


1973 - Security Council
At a meeting this evening the Security Council began consideration, at the request of Lebanon and Syria, of the implementation of the provisions of the Council's resolution of 26 June relating to the release of ""Syrian and Lebanese military and security personnel abducted by Israeli armed forces on 21 June 1972 on Lebanese territory"". Edouard Ghorra (Lebanon) addressing the Council.

1973 – Following the Middle East war of October, the UN Security Council passes resolution 338 calling for ceasefire, implementation of res. 242, negotiations between parties.

The UN General Assembly and the Arab League recognize the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
General Assembly reaffirms inalienable rights of Palestinian people to self-determination, independence and sovereignty, and refugee return (resolution 3236).

1975 – In 1975 the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People (CEIRPP) is founded by Resolution 3376 of the UNGA.

1976 – The CEIRPP submits its programme to the Security Council and General Assembly to enable Palestinians to exercise their inalienable rights.

1977 – Pursuant to UNGA Resolution 32/40 B, International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People is celebrated annually on 29 November.

1978 – Following two weeks of secret negotiations at Camp David (USA), the Egyptian President and the Israeli Prime Minister agree on a Framework for Peace in the Middle East.

1979 – The UNGA re-designates the Special Unit on Palestinian Rights as the Division for Palestinian Rights (Resolution 34/65 D).

Secretary-General Pays Two Week Visit to Middle East
Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim left New York on 31 January for a round of talks with leaders in Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Jordan and Israel, in an effort to get peace negotiations going again. While in Lebanon he also discussed the UN role in relief and rehabilitation efforts in that country. On his way back he visited another troubled area -- Cyprus -- and met with the leaders of the two communities on the island. Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim speaking to the press, upon his arrival at the airport in Jerusalem. At left is the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Israel, Yigal Allon.


1980 – Israeli Knesset enacts the so-called ‘Basic Law’ on Jerusalem, proclaiming that “Jerusalem, whole and united” is the capital of Israel; the Security Council and GA resolution 35/169 E censure this law.

1981 – UNESCO adds the Old City of Jerusalem to the UNESCO World Heritage Site list.
UN Security Council adopts resolution 497, calling on Israel to rescind action to annex the Golan Heights.
 

1982- Javier Pérez de Cuéllar (Peru), Secretary-General of the United Nations served from January 1982 to December 1991


1982 – Israel invades Lebanon with the intention of eliminating the PLO. After a ceasefire, PLO forces withdraw to neighboring countries. Despite guarantees of safety for Palestine refugees left behind, there are massacres at Sabra and Shatila camps.

1987 – First “Intifada” begins in the Jabaliya Refugee Camp in the Gaza Strip.

HAMAS emerged in 1987 during the first Palestinian uprising, or intifada, as an outgrowth of the Muslim Brotherhood's Palestinian branch. HAMAS has been the de facto governing body in the Gaza Strip since 2007, when it ousted the Palestinian Authority from power.

1988 – In July, Jordan renounces claims to the West Bank and recognizes PLO as “the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.”

In November, in Algiers, the Palestinian National Council adopts declaration of independence of the State of Palestine.

In December 1988, PLO Chair Yasser Arafat addresses UN in Geneva; says Palestine National Council accepts UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338.

The history of the planned complex
The facility in question in Israel was first authorized by the US Congress in 1988, when an amendment authorized funding for the construction of two diplomatic facilities, one in Jerusalem and one in Tel Aviv, with the understanding that the president would select which of the two would be the country's embassy.
 
1991 – Middle East peace conference in Madrid brings together all the parties to the Arab-Israeli conflict.
 

1992 - Boutros Boutros-Ghali (Egypt), Secretary-General of the United Nations held office from January 1992 to December 1996


1993 – Israel and the PLO sign the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements, also known the Oslo accords. Several “permanent status”

1994 – The Office of the UN Special Coordinator in the Occupied Territories (UNSCO) is established, and Mr. Terje Roed-Larsen of Norway is appointed as the first UN Special Coordinator.

1995 – Israel and the PLO sign the Palestinian-Israeli Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (“Oslo II)”.

Mr. Terje Roed-Larsen of Norway, first UN Special Coordinator
Terje Roed-Larsen, Special Envoy for the Implementation of Security Council Resolution 1559, briefs correspondents on Lebanon outside the Security Council, today at UN Headquarters in New York.

1996 – Palestinian general elections are held.

1997 - Kofi A. Annan (Ghana), Secretary-General of the United Nations  held office from January 1997 to December 2006

1997 – Israel and the PLO sign the Hebron Protocol.

1998 – Israel and the PLO sign the Wye River Memorandum, which consists of steps to facilitate implementation of previous agreements.

In 2000, there were 1,421 Jews in Basle City and 318 in Basle Land The community maintained a community house from 1958 and an oldage home (Holbeinhof) from 2001, relocated in the city. A Jewish school was opened in 1961 and named after Rabbi Leo Adler. The Orthodox community (founded in 1927), with a membership of approximately 90 families, had its own network of services (e.g., a separate primary school and a small Jewish high school preparing students for yeshivah attendance). The Union of Jewish Women in Switzerland is centered in Basle and there are also WIZO and other Zionist organizations. Two youth movement are active in Basle, the unaffiliated Emuna and Bnei Akiva.
 

Basle (Basel, Bâle) is a Swiss city. The earliest information on a Jewish community dates from the beginning of the 13th century when Basle was still a German free city. The medieval Jewish cemetery was discovered in recent years and the remains were transferred in 1938 to the present Jewish cemetery.


PALESTINIAN ANTI-TERRORISM ACT OF 2006

[[Page 120 STAT. 3318]]

Public Law 109-446
109th Congress

An Act



To promote the development of democratic institutions in areas under the
administrative control of the Palestinian Authority, and for other
purposes. <<NOTE: Dec. 21, 2006 - [S. 2370]>>

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled, <<NOTE: Palestinian
Anti-Terrorism Act of 2006.>>

SECTION 1. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> SHORT TITLE.

This Act may be cited as the ``Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of
2006''.

SEC. 2. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> LIMITATION ON ASSISTANCE TO THE
PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY.

(a) Declaration of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the United
States--
(1) to support a peaceful, two-state solution to end the
conflict between Israel and the Palestinians in accordance with
the Performance-Based Roadmap to a Permanent Two-State Solution
to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (commonly referred to as the
``Roadmap'');
(2) to oppose those organizations, individuals, and
countries that support terrorism and violently reject a two-
state solution to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict;
(3) to promote the rule of law, democracy, the cessation of
terrorism and incitement, and good governance in institutions
and territories controlled by the Palestinian Authority; and
(4) to urge members of the international community to avoid
contact with and refrain from supporting the terrorist
organization Hamas until it agrees to recognize Israel, renounce
violence, disarm, and accept prior agreements, including the
Roadmap.


(b) Amendments.--Chapter 1 of part III of the Foreign Assistance Act
of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2351 et seq.) is amended--
(1) by redesignating the second section 620G (as added by
section 149 of Public Law 104-164 (110 Stat. 1436)) <<NOTE: 22
USC 2378a.>> as section 620J; and
(2) by adding at the end the following new section:

``SEC. 620K. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b.>> LIMITATION ON ASSISTANCE TO THE
PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY.

``(a) Limitation.--Assistance may be provided under this Act to the
Hamas-controlled Palestinian Authority only during a period for which a
certification described in subsection (b) is in effect.
``(b) Certification.--A <<NOTE: President.>> certification described
in subsection (a) is a certification transmitted by the President to
Congress that contains a determination of the President that--

[[Page 120 STAT. 3319]]

``(1) no ministry, agency, or instrumentality of the
Palestinian Authority is effectively controlled by Hamas, unless
the Hamas-controlled Palestinian Authority has--
``(A) publicly acknowledged the Jewish state of
Israel's right to exist; and
``(B) committed itself and is adhering to all
previous agreements and understandings with the United
States Government, with the Government of Israel, and
with the international community, including agreements
and understandings pursuant to the Performance-Based
Roadmap to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the
Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (commonly referred to as
the `Roadmap'); and
``(2) the Hamas-controlled Palestinian Authority has made
demonstrable progress toward--
``(A) completing the process of purging from its
security services individuals with ties to terrorism;
``(B) dismantling all terrorist infrastructure
within its jurisdiction, confiscating unauthorized
weapons, arresting and bringing terrorists to justice,
destroying unauthorized arms factories, thwarting and
preempting terrorist attacks, and fully cooperating with
Israel's security services;
``(C) halting all anti-American and anti-Israel
incitement in Palestinian Authority-controlled
electronic and print media and in schools, mosques, and
other institutions it controls, and replacing
educational materials, including textbooks, with
materials that promote peace, tolerance, and coexistence
with Israel;
``(D) ensuring democracy, the rule of law, and an
independent judiciary, and adopting other reforms such
as ensuring transparent and accountable governance; and
``(E) ensuring the financial transparency and
accountability of all government ministries and
operations.

``(c) Recertifications.--Not <<NOTE: Deadlines. President.>> later
than 90 days after the date on which the President transmits to Congress
an initial certification under subsection (b), and every six months
thereafter--
``(1) the President shall transmit to Congress a
recertification that the conditions described in subsection (b)
are continuing to be met; or
``(2) <<NOTE: Reports.>> if the President is unable to make
such a recertification, the President shall transmit to Congress
a report that contains the reasons therefor.

``(d) Congressional Notification.--Assistance <<NOTE: Effective
date.>> made available under this Act to the Palestinian Authority may
not be provided until 15 days after the date on which the President has
provided notice thereof to the appropriate congressional committees in
accordance with the procedures applicable to reprogramming notifications
under section 634A(a) of this Act.

``(e) National Security Waiver.--
``(1) In general.--Subject to paragraph (2), the President
may waive subsection (a) with respect to--
``(A) the administrative and personal security costs
of the Office of the President of the Palestinian
Authority;
``(B) the activities of the President of the
Palestinian Authority to fulfill his or her duties as
President, including to maintain control of the
management and security of

[[Page 120 STAT. 3320]]

border crossings, to foster the Middle East peace
process, and to promote democracy and the rule of law;
and
``(C) assistance for the judiciary branch of the
Palestinian Authority and other entities.
``(2) Certification.--The President may only exercise the
waiver authority under paragraph (1) after--
``(A) consulting with, and submitting a written
policy justification to, the appropriate congressional
committees; and
``(B) certifying to the appropriate congressional
committees that--
``(i) it is in the national security interest
of the United States to provide assistance
otherwise prohibited under subsection (a); and
``(ii) the individual or entity for which
assistance is proposed to be provided is not a
member of, or effectively controlled by (as the
case may be), Hamas or any other foreign terrorist
organization.
``(3) Report.--Not <<NOTE: President.>> later than 10 days
after exercising the waiver authority under paragraph (1), the
President shall submit to the appropriate congressional
committees a report describing how the funds provided pursuant
to such waiver will be spent and detailing the accounting
procedures that are in place to ensure proper oversight and
accountability.
``(4) Treatment of certification as notification of program
change.--For purposes of this subsection, the certification
required under paragraph (2)(B) shall be deemed to be a
notification under section 634A and shall be considered in
accordance with the procedures applicable to notifications
submitted pursuant to that section.

``(f) Definitions.--In this section:
``(1) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term
`appropriate congressional committees' means--
``(A) the Committee on International Relations and
the Committee on Appropriations of the House of
Representatives; and
``(B) the Committee on Foreign Relations and the
Committee on Appropriations of the Senate.
``(2) Foreign terrorist organization.--The term `foreign
terrorist organization' means an organization designated as a
foreign terrorist organization by the Secretary of State in
accordance with section 219(a) of the Immigration and
Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1189(a)).
``(3) Palestinian authority.--The term `Palestinian
Authority' means the interim Palestinian administrative
organization that governs part of the West Bank and all of the
Gaza Strip (or any successor Palestinian governing entity),
including the Palestinian Legislative Council.''.

(c) Previously Obligated Funds.--
The <<NOTE: Applicability.>> provisions of section 620K of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961, as added by subsection (b), shall be applicable
to the unexpended balances of funds obligated prior to the date of the
enactment of this Act.

SEC. 3. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> LIMITATION ON ASSISTANCE FOR THE
WEST BANK AND GAZA.

(a) Amendment.--Chapter 1 of part III of the Foreign Assistance Act
of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2351 et seq.), as amended by section

[[Page 120 STAT. 3321]]

2(b)(2), is further amended by adding at the end the following new
section:

``SEC. 620L. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378c.>> LIMITATION ON ASSISTANCE FOR THE
WEST BANK AND GAZA.

``(a) Limitation.--Assistance may be provided under this Act to
nongovernmental organizations for the West Bank and Gaza only during a
period for which a certification described in section 620K(b) is in
effect with respect to the Palestinian Authority.
``(b) Exceptions.--Subsection (a) shall not apply with respect to
the following:
``(1) Assistance to meet basic human needs.--Assistance to
meet food, water, medicine, health, or sanitation needs, or
other assistance to meet basic human needs.
``(2) Assistance to promote democracy.--Assistance to
promote democracy, human rights, freedom of the press, non-
violence, reconciliation, and peaceful coexistence, provided
that such assistance does not directly benefit Hamas or any
other foreign terrorist organization.
``(3) Assistance for individual members of the palestinian
legislative council.--Assistance, other than funding of salaries
or salary supplements, to individual members of the Palestinian
Legislative Council who the President determines are not members
of Hamas or any other foreign terrorist organization, for the
purposes of facilitating the attendance of such members in
programs for the development of institutions of democratic
governance, including enhancing the transparent and accountable
operations of such institutions, and providing support for the
Middle East peace process.
``(4) Other types of assistance.--
Any <<NOTE: President.>> other type of assistance if the
President--
``(A) determines that the provision of such
assistance is in the national security interest of the
United States; and
``(B) <<NOTE: Deadline.>> not less than 30 days
prior to the obligation of amounts for the provision of
such assistance--
``(i) consults with the appropriate
congressional committees regarding the specific
programs, projects, and activities to be carried
out using such assistance; and
(ii) submits to the appropriate
congressional committees a written memorandum that
contains the determination of the President under
subparagraph (A).

``(c) Marking Requirement.--Assistance provided under this Act to
nongovernmental organizations for the West Bank and Gaza shall be marked
as assistance from the American people or the United States Government
unless the Secretary of State or, as appropriate, the Administrator of
the United States Agency for International Development, determines that
such marking will endanger the lives or safety of persons delivering
such assistance or would have an adverse effect on the implementation of
that assistance.
``(d) Congressional Notification.--Assistance <<NOTE: Effective
date.>> made available under this Act to nongovernmental organizations
for the West Bank and Gaza may not be provided until 15 days after the
date on which the President has provided notice thereof to the Committee



[[Page 120 STAT. 3322]]

on International Relations and the Committee on Appropriations of the
House of Representatives and to the Committee on Foreign Relations and
the Committee on Appropriations of the Senate in accordance with the
procedures applicable to reprogramming notifications under section
634A(a) of this Act.
``(e) Definitions.--In this section:
``(1) Appropriate congressional committees.--the term
`appropriate congressional committees' means--
``(A) the Committee on International Relations and
the Committee on Appropriations of the House of
Representatives; and
``(B) the Committee on Foreign Relations and the
Committee on Appropriations of the Senate.
``(2) Foreign terrorist organization.--The term `foreign
terrorist organization' means an organization designated as a
foreign terrorist organization by the Secretary of State in
accordance with section 219(a) of the Immigration and
Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1189(a)).''.

(b) Oversight and Related Requirements.--
(1) Oversight.--For <<NOTE: Certification. Deadline.>> each
of the fiscal years 2007 and 2008, the Secretary of State shall
certify to the appropriate congressional committees not later
than 30 days prior to the initial obligation of amounts for
assistance to nongovernmental organizations for the West Bank or


Gaza under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 that procedures
have been established to ensure that the Comptroller General of
the United States will have access to appropriate United States
financial information in order to review the use of such
assistance.
(2) Vetting.--Prior to any obligation of amounts for each of
the fiscal years 2007 and 2008 for assistance to nongovernmental
organizations for the West Bank or Gaza under the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961, the Secretary of State shall take all
appropriate steps to ensure that such assistance is not provided
to or through any individual or entity that the Secretary knows,
or has reason to believe, advocates, plans, sponsors, engages
in, or has engaged in, terrorist activity. The Secretary shall,
as appropriate, establish procedures specifying the steps to be
taken in carrying out this paragraph and shall terminate
assistance to any individual or entity that the Secretary has
determined advocates, plans, sponsors, or engages in terrorist
activity.
(3) Prohibition.--No amounts made available for fiscal year
2007 or 2008 for assistance to nongovernmental organizations for
the West Bank or Gaza under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961
may be made available for the purpose of recognizing or
otherwise honoring individuals who commit, or have committed,
acts of terrorism.
(4) Audits.--
(A) In general.--The Administrator of the United
States Agency for International Development shall ensure
that Federal or non-Federal audits of all contractors
and grantees, and significant subcontractors and
subgrantees, that receive amounts for assistance to
nongovernmental organizations for the West Bank or Gaza
under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 are conducted
for each of the fiscal years 2007 and 2008 to ensure,
among other things, compliance with this subsection.

[[Page 120 STAT. 3323]]

(B) Audits by inspector general of usaid.--Of the
amounts available for each of the fiscal years 2007 and
2008 for assistance to nongovernmental organizations for
the West Bank or Gaza under the Foreign Assistance Act
of 1961, up to $1,000,000 for each such fiscal year may
be used by the Office of the Inspector General of the
United States Agency for International Development for
audits, inspections, and other activities in furtherance
of the requirements of subparagraph (A). Such amounts
are in addition to amounts otherwise available for such
purposes.
SEC. 4. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> DESIGNATION OF TERRITORY CONTROLLED
BY THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY AS TERRORIST SANCTUARY.

It is the sense of Congress that, during any period for which a
certification described in section 620K(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act
of 1961 (as added by section 2(b)(2) of this Act) is not in effect with
respect to the Palestinian Authority, the territory controlled by the
Palestinian Authority should be deemed to be in use as a sanctuary for
terrorists or terrorist organizations for purposes of section 6(j)(5) of
the Export Administration Act of 1979 (50 U.S.C. App. 2405(j)(5)) and
section 140 of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Years
1988 and 1989 (22 U.S.C. 2656f).

SEC. 5. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> DENIAL OF VISAS FOR OFFICIALS OF
THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY.

(a) In General.--Except as provided in subsection (b), a visa should
not be issued to any alien who is an official of, under the control of,
or serving as a representative of the Hamas-led Palestinian Authority
during any period for which a certification described in section 620K(b)
of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (as added by section 2(b)(2) of
this Act) is not in effect with respect to the Palestinian Authority.
(b) Exception.--The restriction under subsection (a) should not
apply to--
(1) the President of the Palestinian Authority and his or
her personal representatives, provided that the President and
his or her personal representatives are not affiliated with
Hamas or any other foreign terrorist organization; and
(2) members of the Palestinian Legislative Council who are
not members of Hamas or any other foreign terrorist
organization.

SEC. 6. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> TRAVEL RESTRICTIONS ON OFFICIALS
AND REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY AND THE
PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION STATIONED AT THE UNITED
NATIONS IN NEW YORK CITY.

(a) In General.--Notwithstanding any other provision of law, and
except as provided in subsection (b), the President should restrict the
travel of officials and representatives of the Palestinian Authority and
of the Palestine Liberation Organization, who are stationed at the
United Nations in New York City to a 25-mile radius of the United
Nations headquarters building during any period for which a
certification described in section 620K(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act
of 1961 (as added by section 2(b)(2) of this Act) is not in effect with
respect to the Palestinian Authority.

(b) Exception.--The travel restrictions described in subsection (a)
should not apply to the President of the Palestinian Authority and his
or her personal representatives, provided that the President

[[Page 120 STAT. 3324]]

and his or her personal representatives are not affiliated with Hamas or
any other foreign terrorist organization.

SEC. 7. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> PROHIBITION ON PALESTINIAN
AUTHORITY REPRESENTATION IN THE UNITED STATES.

(a) Prohibition.--Notwithstanding any other provision of law, it
shall be unlawful to establish or maintain an office, headquarters,
premises, or other facilities or establishments within the jurisdiction
of the United States at the behest or direction of, or with funds
provided by, the Palestinian Authority during any period for which a
certification described in section 620K(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act
of 1961 (as added by section 2(b)(2) of this Act) is not in effect with
respect to the Palestinian Authority.
(b) Enforcement.--
(1) Attorney general.--The Attorney General shall take the
necessary steps and institute the necessary legal action to
effectuate the policies and provisions of subsection (a).
(2) Relief.--Any district court of the United States for a
district in which a violation of subsection (a) occurs shall
have authority, upon petition of relief by the Attorney General,
to grant injunctive and such other equitable relief as it shall
deem necessary to enforce the provisions of subsection (a).

(c) Waiver.--Subsection (a) shall not apply if the President
determines and certifies to the appropriate congressional committees
that the establishment or maintenance of an office, headquarters,
premises, or other facilities is vital to the national security
interests of the United States.

SEC. 8. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL
INSTITUTIONS.

(a) Requirement.--The President should direct the United States
Executive Director at each international financial institution to use
the voice, vote, and influence of the United States to prohibit
assistance to the Palestinian Authority (other than assistance described
under subsection (b)) during any period for which a certification
described in section 620K(b) of the Foreign Assistance of 1961 (as added
by section 2(b)(2) of this Act) is not in effect with respect to the
Palestinian Authority.
(b) Exceptions.--The prohibition on assistance described in
subsection (a) should not apply with respect to the following types of
assistance:
(1) Assistance to meet food, water, medicine, or sanitation
needs, or other assistance to meet basic human needs.
(2) Assistance to promote democracy, human rights, freedom

of the press, non-violence, reconciliation, and peaceful
coexistence, provided that such assistance does not directly
benefit Hamas or other foreign terrorist organizations.

(c) Definition.--In this section, the term ``international financial
institution'' has the meaning given the term in section 1701(c)(2) of
the International Financial Institutions Act (22 U.S.C. 262r(c)(2)).

SEC. 9. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> DIPLOMATIC CONTACTS WITH
PALESTINIAN TERROR ORGANIZATIONS.

No funds authorized or available to the Department of State may be
used for or by any officer or employee of the United States Government
to negotiate with members or official representatives of Hamas,
Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine, al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade, or any other

[[Page 120 STAT. 3325]]

Palestinian terrorist organization (except in emergency or humanitarian
situations), unless and until such organization--
(1) recognizes Israel's right to exist;
(2) renounces the use of terrorism;
(3) dismantles the infrastructure in areas within its
jurisdiction necessary to carry out terrorist acts, including
the disarming of militias and the elimination of all instruments
of terror; and
(4) recognizes and accepts all previous agreements and
understandings between the State of Israel and the Palestinian
Authority.

SEC. 10. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE,
RECONCILIATION AND DEMOCRACY FUND.

(a) Establishment of Fund.--Not <<NOTE: Deadline.>> later than 60
days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State
shall establish a fund to be known as the ``Israeli-Palestinian Peace,
Reconciliation and Democracy Fund'' (in this section referred to as the
``Fund''). The purpose of the Fund shall be to support, primarily,
through Palestinian and Israeli organizations, the promotion of
democracy, human rights, freedom of the press, and non-violence among
Palestinians, and peaceful coexistence and reconciliation between
Israelis and Palestinians.

(b) Annual Report.--Not later than 60 days after the date of the
enactment of this Act, and annually thereafter for so long as the Fund

remains in existence, the Secretary of State shall submit to the
appropriate congressional committees a report on programs sponsored and
proposed to be sponsored by the Fund.
(c) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized to be
appropriated to the Secretary of State $20,000,000 for fiscal year 2007
for purposes of the Fund.

SEC. 11. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> REPORTING REQUIREMENT.

Not later than 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act,
and annually thereafter, the Secretary of State shall submit to the
appropriate congressional committees a report that--
(1) describes the steps that have been taken by the United
States Government to ensure that other countries and
international organizations, including multilateral development
banks, do not provide direct assistance to the Palestinian
Authority for any period for which a certification described in
section 620K(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (as added
by section 2(b)(2) of this Act) is not in effect with respect to
the Palestinian Authority; and
(2) identifies any countries and international
organizations, including multilateral development banks, that
are providing direct assistance to the Palestinian Authority
during such a period, and describes the nature and amount of
such assistance.

SEC. 12. <<NOTE: 22 USC 2378b note.>> DEFINITIONS.

In this Act:
(1) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term
``appropriate congressional committees'' means--
(A) the Committee on International Relations and the
Committee on Appropriations of the House of
Representatives; and
(B) the Committee on Foreign Relations and the
Committee on Appropriations of the Senate.

[[Page 120 STAT. 3326]]

(2) Palestinian authority.--The term ``Palestinian
Authority'' has the meaning given the term in section 620K(e)(2)
of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (as added by section
2(b)(2) of this Act).

Approved December 21, 2006.


LEGISLATIVE HISTORY--S. 2370 (H.R. 4681):
---------------------------------------------------------------------------

HOUSE REPORTS: No. 109-462, Pt. 1 (Comm. on International Relations) and
Pt. 2 (Comm. on the Judiciary), both accompanying H.R. 4681.
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, Vol. 152 (2006):
June 23, considered and passed Senate.
Dec. 7, considered and passed House.
WEEKLY COMPILATION OF PRESIDENTIAL DOCUMENTS, Vol. 42 (2006):
Dec. 21, Presidential statement.


https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PLAW-109publ446/html/PLAW-109publ446.htm

 

2007 - Ban Ki-moon (Republic of Korea), Secretary-General of the United Nations held office from January 2007 to December 2016
 

2017 - Mr. António Guterres, the ninth Secretary-General of the United Nations, took office on 1 January 2017.


https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/Letter-to-FCC-re-Audacy-09262490.pdf

2000 – In July, the US President Clinton convenes a Middle East Peace Summit at Camp David which concludes without agreement.

Ariel Sharon’s al-Haram al-Sharif visit in September 2000 triggers the Second Palestinian Intifada.


2001 – Outgoing US President Clinton proposes the Clinton Parameters for a permanent status agreement to resolve the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.
Shortly afterwards, the Taba Summit is held between Israel and the Palestinian Authority but fails to resolve the “permanent status” issues.


The Quartet



2002 – The UN Security Council passes resolution 1397 affirming vision of a two-State solution to the conflict.

The Quartet, consisting of the UN, the EU, the US, and Russia is established with a mandate to help mediate Israeli-Palestinian conflict and support Palestinian economic development and institution-building.

During a summit in Beirut, the League of Arab States adopts the Arab Peace Initiative.


2003 –Roadmap for Peace is published by the Quartet and is endorsed by the Security Council in resolution 1515.


Security Council

Distr.
GENERAL
S/2003/529
7 May 2003
OriginaLetter dated 7 May 2003 from the Secretary-General
addressed to the President of the Security Council
I have the honour to transmit to you herewith the text of a road map to realize the vision of two States, Israeland Palestine, living side by side
in peace and security,as affirmed in Security Council resolution 1397 (2002) (see annex).
The text has been prepared by the Quartet — consisting of representatives of the United States of America, the European Union, the
Russian Federation and the United Nations — and was presented to the Government of Israeland the Palestinian Authority on 30 April 2003.
I should be grateful if you would bring this text to the attention of the members of the Security Council.
( Signed ) Kofi A. Annanl: English


Annex
A performance-based roadmap to a
permanent two-state solution to the IsraeliPalestinian conflict
Thefollowing isa performance-based and goal-driven roadmap, with
clear phases, timelines, target dates,and benchmarksaiming at
progress through reciprocalsteps by thetwo parties in the political,
security,economic, humanitarian,and institution-building fields, under
theauspices ofthe Quartet [the United States, EuropeanUnion,
United Nations,and Russia]. The destination isafinaland
comprehensivesettlement oftheIsrael-Palestinian conflict by 2005,
as presented in President Bush's speech of 24 June,and welcomed
by the EU, Russiaand the UN in the 16 July and 17 September
Quartet Ministerialstatements.
Atwo statesolution to theIsraeli-Palestinian conflict will only be
achieved through an end to violenceand terrorism, when the
Palestinian people havealeadership acting decisively against terror

and willing and ableto build a practicing democracy based on
toleranceand liberty,and through Israel's readiness to do what is
necessary fora democratic Palestinian stateto beestablished,and a
clear, unambiguousacceptance by both parties ofthe goal ofa
negotiated settlementas described below. The Quartet willassistand
facilitateimplementation ofthe plan, starting in PhaseI, including
direct discussions between the partiesas required. The plan
establishesarealistictimelinefor implementation. However,asa
performance-based plan, progress willrequireand depend upon the
good faith efforts ofthe parties,and theircompliance with each ofthe


obligations outlined below. Should the parties performtheir
obligations rapidly, progress within and through the phases may come
sooner than indicated in the plan. Non-compliance with obligations
willimpede progress.
Asettlement, negotiated between the parties, willresult in the
emergence ofan independent, democratic,and viable Palestinian
stateliving side by sidein peaceand securitywith Israeland its other
neighbors. Thesettlement willresolvetheIsrael-Palestinian conflict,
and end the occupation that began in 1967, based on thefoundations
ofthe Madrid Conference, the principle ofland for peace, UNSCRs
242 , 338 and 1397 ,agreements previously reached by the parties,
and theinitiative ofSaudiCrown Prince Abdullah -- endorsed by the
Beirut Arab League Summit -- calling foracceptance ofIsraelasa
neighbor living in peaceand security, in thecontext ofa
comprehensivesettlement. This initiativeisa vitalelement of
internationalefforts to promoteacomprehensive peace on alltracks,
including the Syrian-Israeliand Lebanese-Israelitracks.
The Quartet willmeet regularly atsenior levels to evaluatethe parties'
performance on implementation ofthe plan. In each phase, the parties
areexpected to performtheir obligations in parallel, unless otherwise
indicated.


PHASEI:
ENDINGTERROR AND VIOLENCE, NORMALIZING
PALESTINIAN LIFE, AND BUILDINGPALESTINIAN
INSTITUTIONS -- PRESENTTO MAY2003

In PhaseI, the Palestinians immediately undertakean unconditional
cessation of violenceaccording to thesteps outlined below;such
action should beaccompanied by supportive measures undertaken by
Israel. Palestiniansand Israelis resumesecurity cooperation based on
the Tenet work plan to end violence, terrorism,and incitement
through restructured and effective Palestinian security services.
Palestinians undertakecomprehensive politicalreformin preparation
for statehood, including drafting a Palestinian constitution,and free,
fairand open elections upon the basis ofthose measures. Israeltakes
all necessary steps to help normalize Palestinian life. Israelwithdraws
fromPalestinian areas occupied fromSeptember 28, 2000 and the
two sides restorethestatus quo thatexisted at that time,as security
performanceand cooperation progress. Israelalso freezesall
settlementactivity,consistent with the Mitchellreport .
At the outset ofPhaseI:
Palestinian leadership issues unequivocalstatement reiterating
Israel's right to exist in peaceand security and calling foran
immediateand unconditionalceasefireto end armed activity and
allacts of violenceagainst Israelisanywhere. All official
Palestinian institutionsend incitementagainst Israel.
Israelileadership issues unequivocalstatementaffirming its
commitment to thetwo-state vision ofan independent, viable,
sovereign Palestinian stateliving in peaceand security alongside
Israel,asexpressed by President Bush,and calling foran
immediateend to violenceagainst Palestinianseverywhere. All
officialIsraeliinstitutionsend incitementagainst Palestinians.
SECURITY
Palestinians declarean unequivocalend to violenceand terrorism
and undertake visibleefforts on the ground to arrest, disrupt,and
restrain individualsand groupsconducting and planning violent
attacks on Israelisanywhere.
Rebuiltand refocused PalestinianAuthority security apparatus
begins sustained, targeted,and effective operationsaimed at
confronting allthoseengaged in terrorand dismantlement of
terroristcapabilitiesand infrastructure. This includescommencing

confiscation ofillegalweaponsand consolidation ofsecurity
authority, free ofassociationwith terrorand corruption.
GOI takes no actions undermining trust, including deportations,
attacks on civilians;confiscation and/or demolition ofPalestinian
homesand property,asa punitive measure or to facilitateIsraeli
construction; destruction ofPalestinian institutionsand
infrastructure;and other measures specified in the Tenet work
plan.
Relying on existingmechanismsand on-the-ground resources,
Quartet representatives begin informalmonitoring and consult
with the parties on establishment ofaformalmonitoring
mechanismand its implementation.
Implementation,as previously agreed, ofU.S. rebuilding, training
and resumed security cooperation plan in collaborationwith
outside oversight board (U.S.-Egypt-Jordan). Quartetsupport
forefforts to achievealasting,comprehensivecease-fire.
AllPalestinian security organizationsareconsolidated into
threeservices reporting to an empowered Interior Minister

Restructured/retrained Palestinian security forcesand IDF
counterparts progressively resumesecurity cooperation and
other undertakings in implementation ofthe Tenet work plan,
including regular senior-levelmeetings, with the participation
ofU.S. security officials.
Arab statescut off publicand privatefunding and all other forms
ofsupport for groups supporting and engaging in violenceand
terror.
All donors providing budgetary support for the Palestinians
channelthesefunds through the PalestinianMinistry ofFinance's
Single TreasuryAccount.
Ascomprehensivesecurity performance moves forward, IDF
withdraws progressively fromareas occupied since September
28, 2000 and thetwo sides restorethestatus quo thatexisted
prior to September 28, 2000. Palestinian security forces redeploy
to areas vacated by IDF.
PALESTINIAN INSTITUTION-BUILDING
Immediateaction on credible process to produce draft
constitution for Palestinian statehood. As rapidly as possible,
constitutionalcommitteecirculates draft Palestinian constitution,
based on strong parliamentary democracy and cabinet with

empowered prime minister, for publiccomment/debate.
Constitutionalcommittee proposes draft document for submission
afterelections forapproval by appropriate Palestinian institutions.
Appointment ofinterimprime minister orcabinet with empowered
executiveauthority/decision-making body.
GOI fully facilitates travel ofPalestinian officials for PLC and
Cabinetsessions, internationally supervised security retraining,
electoraland other reformactivity,and other supportive measures
related to thereformefforts.
Continued appointment ofPalestinianministersempowered to
undertakefundamentalreform. Completion offurther steps to
achieve genuineseparation of powers, including any necessary
Palestinian legalreforms for this purpose.
Establishment ofindependent Palestinian election commission.
PLC reviewsand reviseselection law.
Palestinian performance on judicial,administrative,and economi

benchmarks,asestablished by theInternationalTask Force on
PalestinianReform.
Asearly as possible,and based upon theabove measuresand in
thecontext of open debateand transparentcandidate
selection/electoralcampaign based on afree, multi-party process,
Palestinians hold free, open,and fairelections.
GOI facilitates Task Forceelection assistance, registration of
voters, movement ofcandidatesand voting officials. Support for
NGOs involved in theelection process.
GOI reopens PalestinianChamber ofCommerceand other
closed Palestinian institutions inEastJerusalembased on a
commitment that theseinstitutions operatestrictly in accordance
with prioragreements between the parties.
HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE
Israeltakes measures to improvethe humanitarian situation. Israel
and Palestinians implement in fullallrecommendations ofthe
Bertinireport to improve humanitarian conditions, lifting curfews
and easing restrictions onmovement of personsand goods,and
allowing full, safe,and unfettered access ofinternationaland
humanitarian personnel.
AHLC reviews the humanitarian situation and prospects for
economic development in the West Bank and Gazaand launches
a major donorassistanceeffort, including to thereformeffort

GOIand PAcontinuerevenueclearance processand transfer of
funds, including arrears, in accordance with agreed, transparent
monitoringmechanism.
CIVILSOCIETY
Continued donor support, including increased funding through
PVOs/NGOs, for peopleto people programs, privatesector
developmentand civilsociety initiatives.
SETTLEMENTS
GOI immediately dismantles settlement outpostserected since
March 2001.
Consistent with the MitchellReport, GOI freezesallsettlement
activity (including natural growth ofsettlements)

PHASEII: TRANSITION
JUNE2003-DECEMBER 2003

In thesecond phase,effortsarefocused on the option ofcreating an
independent Palestinian state with provisional bordersand attributes
ofsovereignty, based on the newconstitution,asa way station to a
permanentstatus settlement. As has been noted, this goalcan be
achieved when the Palestinian people havealeadership acting
decisively against terror, willing and ableto build a practicing
democracy based on toleranceand liberty. With such aleadership,
reformed civilinstitutionsand security structures, the Palestinians will
havetheactivesupport ofthe Quartetand the broader international
community in establishing an independent, viable, state.
Progress into PhaseII will be based upon theconsensus judgment of
the Quartet ofwhetherconditionsareappropriateto proceed, taking
into account performance of both parties. Furthering and sustaining
efforts to normalize Palestinian livesand build Palestinian institutions,
PhaseII startsafter Palestinian electionsand ends with possible
creation ofan independent Palestinian state with provisional borders
in 2003. Its primary goalsarecontinued comprehensivesecurity
performanceand effectivesecurity cooperation,continued
normalization ofPalestinian lifeand institution-building, further building
on and sustaining ofthe goals outlined in PhaseI, ratification ofa
democratic Palestinian constitution, formalestablishment of office of
prime minister,consolidation of politicalreform,and thecreation ofa
Palestinian state with provisional borders.
INTERNATIONALCONFERENCE:Convened by the
Quartet, in consultationwith the parties, immediately after the
successfulconclusion ofPalestinian elections, to support
Palestinian economicrecovery and launch a process, leading to
establishment ofan independent Palestinian state with provisional
borders.
Such a meetingwould beinclusive, based on the goal ofa
comprehensive Middle East peace(including between Israel
and Syria,and Israeland Lebanon),and based on the
principles described in the preambleto this document.
Arab states restore pre-intifadalinks to Israel(trade offices,
etc.).
Revival ofmultilateralengagement on issues including regional
water resources,environment,economic development,
refugees,and armscontrolissues.
Newconstitution for democratic, independent Palestinian stateis

finalized and approved by appropriate Palestinian institutions.
Furtherelections, ifrequired, should followapproval ofthe new
constitution.
Empowered reformcabinet with office of prime minister formally
established,consistent with draftconstitution.
Continued comprehensivesecurity performance, including
effectivesecurity cooperation on the bases laid out in PhaseI.
Creation ofan independent Palestinian state with provisional
borders through a process ofIsraeli-Palestinian engagement,
launched by theinternationalconference. As part ofthis process,
implementation of prioragreements, to enhance maximum
territorialcontiguity, including furtheraction on settlements in
conjunctionwith establishment ofa Palestinian state with
provisional borders.
Enhanced internationalroleinmonitoring transition, with the
active, sustained,and operationalsupport ofthe Quartet.
Quartetmembers promoteinternationalrecognition ofPalestinian
state, including possible UN membership.

PHASEIII:
PERMANENTSTATUS AGREEMENT
AND END OFTHEISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT
2004-2005

Progress into PhaseIII, based on consensus judgment ofQuartet,
and taking into accountactions of both partiesand Quartet
monitoring. PhaseIII objectivesareconsolidation ofreformand
stabilization ofPalestinian institutions, sustained,effective Palestinian
security performance,and Israeli-Palestinian negotiationsaimed ata
permanentstatusagreement in 2005.
SECONDINTERNATIONALCONFERENCE:Convened by
Quartet, in consultationwith the parties,at beginning of 2004 to
endorseagreement reached on an independent Palestinian state
with provisional bordersand formally to launch a process with the
active, sustained,and operationalsupport ofthe Quartet, leading
to afinal, permanentstatus resolution in 2005, including on
borders, Jerusalem, refugees, settlements;and, to support
progress toward acomprehensive Middle Eastsettlement
between Israeland Lebanon and Israeland Syria, to beachieved
as soon as possible.
Continued comprehensive,effective progress on thereform
agendalaid out by the Task Forcein preparation for finalstatus
agreement.
Continued sustained and effectivesecurity performance,and
sustained,effectivesecurity cooperation on the bases laid out in
PhaseI.
Internationalefforts to facilitatereformand stabilize Palestinian
institutionsand the Palestinian economy, in preparation for final
statusagreement.
Parties reach finaland comprehensive permanentstatus
agreement thatends theIsrael-Palestinian conflict in 2005,
through asettlement negotiated between the parties based on
UNSCR242, 338,and 1397, thatends the occupation that
began in 1967,and includesan agreed, just, fair,and realistic
solution to therefugeeissue,and a negotiated resolution on the
status ofJerusalemthat takes into account the politicaland
religiousconcerns of both sides,and protects thereligious
interests ofJews, Christians,and Muslims worldwide,and fulfills
the vision oftwo states, Israeland sovereign, independent,
democraticand viable Palestine, living side-by-sidein peaceand
security.
Arab stateacceptance offull normalrelations with Israeland
security forallthestates oftheregion in thecontext ofa
comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace.


https://unispal.un.org/pdfs/6129B9C832FE59AB85256D43004D87FA.pdf?_gl=1*1buw4ib*_ga*NTU3Nzg0MDU4LjE3MzEyOTg1MzA.*_ga_TK9BQL5X7Z*MTczMzI5MDcyMi4yNy4wLjE3MzMyOTA3MjIuMC4wLjA.

2004 – The International Court of Justice (ICJ) issues Advisory Opinion on the legality of construction of a wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

Gaza: UN agency resumes food distribution to 600,000 Palestinian refugees
21 April 2004  The main United Nations relief agency for Palestinian refugees today resumed distributing emergency food aid to 600,000 people in the Gaza Strip following a three-week suspension after Israel imposed new restrictions at the sole commercial crossing point.

2006 – In January, Hamas wins Palestinian Legislative Elections; forms Palestinian Authority government. The Quartet responds with Quartet Principles.

In July, Israel goes to war with Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Gaza: UN appeals for $2.5 million to ease ‘humanitarian disaster’ from Israeli attack
20 November 2006
The United Nations agency caring for Palestinian refugees has issued an urgent appeal for nearly $2.5 million to ease the “humanitarian disaster” caused by Israel’s assault on the town of Beit Hanoun in the Gaza Strip, which left 82 Palestinians dead, including 39 women and children, 260 wounded and “more wanton destruction” earlier this month.

More Palestinians die after being denied access through Israeli checkpoints, UN reports
28 September 2007
An increasing number of Palestinians have died after being denied passage through Israeli checkpoints, according to the latest United Nations humanitarian report on the occupied Palestinian territory.
Security Council expresses concern at ceasefire breakdown in Gaza

30 May 2007
The Security Council voiced grave concern today at the breakdown of the ceasefire in the Gaza Strip and the subsequent rise in violence across the troubled region.
Ban Ki-moon
Ban Ki-moon urges immediate, unconditional release of missing British journalist

12 April 2007
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon today called for the immediate and unconditional release of the British journalist Alan Johnston, who was abducted in Gaza one month ago.
Schools reopen in Gaza
In Gaza, UN resumes full aid operations interrupted by factional fighting
 

8 February 2007
The United Nations agency that tends to Palestinian refugees has resumed full operation of its humanitarian activities in Gaza after they had been interrupted by recent inter-factional fighting.

In November, the Annapolis Conference ends with parties issuing a joint statement committing to immediately implement their respective obligations under the Roadmap and working towards a peace treaty by the end of 2008.

Ceasefire Agreement Meeting
Fourteen members of the Security Council vote in support of a resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza leading to a full Israeli withdrawal, the unimpeded distribution of food, fuel, medical treatment, and intensified international arrangements to prevent arms and ammunition smuggling in the territory, with one member abstaining.


Creation of the UN Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza conflict
Justice Richard Goldstone (left), Head of the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict, briefs the press on the release of the Mission's report on the Gaza conflict, as Ahmad Fawzi, Director of the News and Media Division of the Department of Public Information, looks on.

The planned diplomatic compound for the US includes an embassy, offices, residences for staff and other structures in an area known as the Allenby Barracks. The plan is at the advanced stage of the zoning approval process at the District Planning Committee of Jerusalem after it was resubmitted to planning authorities last year after the original plan expired in 2008.(see 1947)


2008 – Israel broadens its sanctions and completely seals off the Gaza Strip.

Later in the year, Israel launches Operation Cast Lead, a massive 22-day military assault on the Gaza Strip.

2009 – Security Council passes resolution 1860 calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. HRC creates the UN Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza conflict to investigate violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. Their findings are issued in the “Goldstone Report”.


2012 – In November, Israel launches ‘Pillar of Defense’ an 8-day military operation against the Gaza Strip.

Later that month, the General Assembly adopts resolution 67/19 granting Palestine the status of non-member observer State in the UN.

2013 – Direct negotiations between Israel and Palestine are held following an initiative by US Secretary of State John Kerry to restart the peace process.





8-day military operation against the Gaza Strip
Three Palestinian youth inspect the remains of a house targeted by an Israeli air strike in the Sheikh Radwan district, northwest of Gaza City.


Palestine becomes Non-Member Observer State in the UN
Riyad H. Mansour, Permanent Observer of the State of Palestine to the United Nations, addresses the Security Council meeting on the situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question.


2014 – Israel launches a large scale military operation codenamed “Protective Edge” on the Gaza Strip.

2016 – UN Security Council adopts resolution 2334, stating that Israel’s settlement activity constitutes a “flagrant violation” of international law and has “no legal validity”.


2017 – US President Donald Trump announces that the United States would recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel.

2018
– United States moves its embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

In 2019, Netanyahu was indicted on charges of breach of trust, bribery and fraud, and relinquished all ministerial posts, except prime minister. The 2018–2022 Israeli political crisis led to a rotation agreement between Netanyahu and Benny Gantz.

In 2022, Gantz became the leader of National Unity, made up of the Israel Resilience Party and New Hope. Gantz was the 17th Speaker of the Knesset from 26 March 2020 to 17 May 2020. On 20 April 2020, Gantz agreed to join a rotation government with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

2020 – US President Trump helps mediate Abraham Accords to normalize Israel’s relations with some Arab States and proposes a Peace Plan.

 

2O22

JULY 14, 2022

STATEMENTS AND RELEASES

The leaders of the United States and Israel, President Biden and Prime Minister Lapid, met in Jerusalem on 14 July 2022, and adopted the following Joint Declaration on the US-Israel Strategic Partnership:

The United States and Israel reaffirm the unbreakable bonds between our two countries and the enduring commitment of the United States to Israel’s security. Our countries further reaffirm that the strategic U.S.-Israel partnership is based on a bedrock of shared values, shared interests, and true friendship. Furthermore, the United States and Israel affirm that among the values the countries share is an unwavering commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and the calling of “Tikkun Olam,” repairing the world. The leaders express appreciation to former Prime Minister Bennett, who led the most diverse government in Israel’s history, and under whose leadership this extraordinary partnership has continued to grow stronger.

Consistent with the longstanding security relationship between the United States and Israel and the unshakeable U.S. commitment to Israel’s security, and especially to the maintenance of its qualitative military edge, the United States reiterates its steadfast commitment to preserve and strengthen Israel’s capability to deter its enemies and to defend itself by itself against any threat or combination of threats. The United States further reiterates that these commitments are bipartisan and sacrosanct, and that they are not only moral commitments, but also strategic commitments that are vitally important to the national security of the United States itself.

The United States stresses that integral to this pledge is the commitment never to allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon, and that it is prepared to use all elements of its national power to ensure that outcome. The United States further affirms the commitment to work together with other partners to confront Iran’s aggression and destabilizing activities, whether advanced directly or through proxies and terrorist organizations such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad.

The United States and Israel note that nothing better reflects the steadfast and bipartisan support of the United States to Israel’s security than the unprecedented Memoranda of Understanding on security assistance signed by successive U.S. administrations over the last few decades, and that these arrangements demonstrate in word and deed that the United States considers Israel’s security essential to U.S. interests and an anchor of regional stability.

The United States strongly supports implementing the terms of the current historic $38 billion Memorandum of Understanding in full, which honors the United States’ enduring commitment to Israel’s security, as well as its conviction that a follow-on MOU should address emerging threats and new realities. In addition, the United States is committed to seeking additional missile defense assistance in excess of MOU levels, in exceptional circumstances such as the hostilities with Hamas over eleven days in May 2021. Israel appreciates the U.S. commitment to the MOU and for providing an additional $1 billion over MOU levels in supplemental missile defense funding following the 2021 conflict. Further, the countries express enthusiasm to move forward the U.S.-Israel defense partnership through cooperation in cutting-edge defense technologies such as high energy laser weapons systems to defend the skies of Israel and in the future those of other U.S. and Israel security partners.

Israel thanks the United States for its ongoing and extensive support for deepening and broadening the historic Abraham Accords. The countries affirm that Israel’s peace and normalization agreements with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Morocco constitute a critical addition to Israel’s strategic peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan, all of which are important to the future of the Middle East region and to the cause of regional security, prosperity, and peace. The countries note that the historic Negev Summit, initiated and hosted by Prime Minister Lapid, was a landmark event in joint U.S.-Israeli efforts to build a new regional framework that is changing the face of the Middle East.

The United States and Israel welcome in this regard the meeting held in Manama, Bahrain on June 27th, forming the Negev Forum on regional cooperation. The United States welcomes these developments and is committed to continue playing an active role, including in the context of President Biden’s upcoming visit to Saudi Arabia, in building a robust regional architecture; to deepen the ties between Israel and all of its regional partners; to advance Israel’s regional integration over time; and to expand the circle of peace to include ever more Arab and Muslim States.

The United States and Israel also welcome the opportunity to participate in a quadrilateral (hybrid) meeting, together with the leaders of India and the United Arab Emirates, in the context of the I2U2 initiative, bringing together these four countries to advance cooperation in economy and strategic infrastructure, and demonstrating the importance of this new partnership, first launched by their Foreign Ministers in October 2021.

The United States and Israel reiterate their concerns regarding the ongoing attacks against Ukraine, their commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and affirmed the importance of continued humanitarian assistance to the people of Ukraine.

The United States and Israel affirm that they will continue to work together to combat all efforts to boycott or de-legitimize Israel, to deny its right to self-defense, or to unfairly single it out in any forum, including at the United Nations or the International Criminal Court. While fully respecting the right to freedom of expression, they firmly reject the BDS campaign. The two countries will use the tools at their disposal to fight every scourge and source of antisemitism and to respond whenever legitimate criticism crosses over into bigotry and hatred or attempts to undermine Israel’s rightful and legitimate place among the family of nations. In this context, they express their deep concern over the global surge in antisemitism and reassert their commitment to counter this ancient hatred in all of its manifestations. The United States is proud to stand with the Jewish and democratic State of Israel, and with its people, whose uncommon courage, resilience, and spirit of innovation are an inspiration to so many worldwide.

The United States and Israel commit to continuing to discuss the challenges and opportunities in Israeli-Palestinian relations. The countries condemn the deplorable series of terrorist attacks against Israeli citizens in recent months and affirm the need to confront radical forces, such as Hamas, seeking to inflame tension and instigate violence and terrorism. President Biden reaffirms his longstanding and consistent support of a two-state solution and for advancing toward a reality in which Israelis and Palestinians alike can enjoy equal measures of security, freedom and prosperity. The United States stands ready to work with Israel, the Palestinian Authority, and regional stakeholders toward that goal. The leaders also affirm their shared commitment to initiatives that strengthen the Palestinian economy and improve the quality of life of Palestinians.

The United States and Israel enjoy extensive bilateral cooperation and dialogue between their two countries in many critical spheres – from groundbreaking collaboration in science and technology, to unique intelligence sharing and joint military exercises, to shared efforts in confronting pressing global challenges such as climate change, food security, and healthcare. To complement the extensive existing scientific and technological cooperation between their two countries, and to bring their cooperation to a new height, the leaders launched a new U.S.-Israel Strategic High-Level Dialogue on Technology to form a U.S.-Israel technological partnership in critical and emerging technologies, as well as in areas of global concern: pandemic preparedness, climate change, artificial intelligence, and trusted technology. This new technological partnership will be designed to boost the countries’ mutual innovation ecosystems and address geostrategic challenges.

In this same spirit, the United States and Israel affirm their commitment to continue their shared and accelerated efforts to enable Israeli passport holders to be included in the U.S. Visa Waiver Program as soon as possible, as well as their support for increased collaboration on operational cyber exchange and on combatting cybercrime. The leaders state that all of these initiatives, and countless other joint endeavors, undertaken between their peoples at every level of government and civil society demonstrate that the U.S.-Israel strategic partnership is indispensable and makes an outsized contribution not only to the good of American and Israeli citizens but also to the good of the Middle East and of the world.

With this record of remarkable achievement and with a sense of the incredible promise that the unparalleled U.S.-Israel relationship holds for the future, the United States and Israel warmly welcome entering the 75th year of this extraordinary partnership.

Signed at Jerusalem on the 14th day of the July, 2022, which corresponds to the 15th day of Tamuz, 5782, in the Hebrew calendar, in duplicate in the English language.

Joseph R. Biden Jr.
President of the United States of America

Yair Lapid
Prime Minister of the State of Israel

By U.S. Mission Israel | 14 July, 2022 | Topics: Events, News, President of the United States, Press Releases, U.S. & Israel
https://il.usembassy.gov/the-jerusalem-u-s-israel-strategic-partnership-joint-declaration/

Around 26,000 Indian nationals, who have arrived in Israel over the past several years, are currently working in different sectors of the Israeli economy. In 2022, India and Israel commenced discussions on a framework agreement to facilitate temporary employment of Indian workers, which was concluded in November 2023, under which 4825 Indian workers have so far been placed in Israel.


October 07, 2023
Remarks by President Biden on the Terrorist Attacks In Israel
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2:48 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. Today, the people of Israel are under attack, orchestrated by a terrorist organization, Hamas.

In this moment of tragedy, I want to say to them and to the world and to terrorists everywhere that the United States stands with Israel. We will not ever fail to have their back.

We’ll make sure they have the help their citizens need and they can continue to defend themselves.

You know, the world has seen appalling images: thousands of rockets in the space of hours raining down on Israeli cities. When I got up this morning and started this at 7:30, 8 o’clock — my calls.

Hamas terrorists crossing into Israel killing not only Israeli soldiers, but Israeli civilians in the street, in their homes. Innocent people murdered, wounded, entire families taken hostage by Hamas just days after Israel marked the holiest of days on the Jewish calendar. It’s unconscionable.

You know, when I spoke with Prime Minister Netanyahu this morning, I told him the United States stands with the people of Israel in the face of this terrorist assaults. Israel has the right to defend itself and its people. Full stop.

There is never justification for terrorist acts.

And my administration’s support for Israel’s security is rock solid and unwavering.

Let me say this as clearly as I can: This is not a moment for any party hostile to Israel to exploit these attacks to seek advantage. The world is watching.

I have also been in contact with the King of Jordan, spoken with members of Congress, directed my national security team
to engage with their Israeli counterparts — military to military, intelligence to intelligence, diplo- — diplomat to diplomat — to make sure Israel has what it needs.

I’ve also directed my team to remain in constant contact with leaders throughout the region, including Egypt, Turkey, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Oman, the UAE, as well as with our European partners and the Palestinian Authority.

This is also a terrible tragedy on a human level. It’s hurting innocent people — seeing the lives that have been broken by this, the families torn apart. It’s heart breaking.

And Jill and I are praying for those families who have been impacted by this violence. We grieve with those who have lost their loved their ones, lost a piece of their soul. We have hope for a swift recovery for many who have been wounded.

But we’re going to remain in close touch with Prime Minister — I, personally, am going to remain in close contact with Prime Minister Netanyahu as this situation continues to develop.

And let there be no mistake: The United States stands with the State of Israel, just as we have from the moment the United States became the first nation to recognize Israel, 11 minutes after its founding, 75 years ago.

Thank you very much.

2:51 P.M. EDT
https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/10/07/remarks-by-president-biden-on-the-terrorist-attacks-in-israel/

 

October 10, 2023
Remarks by President Biden on the Terrorist Attacks in Israel
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2:24 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon.

You know, there are moments in this life — and I mean this literally — when the pure, unadulterated evil is unleashed on this world.

The people of Israel lived through one such moment this weekend. The bloody hands of the terrorist organization Hamas — a group whose stated purpose for being is to kill Jews.

This was an act of sheer evil.

More than 1,000 civilians slaughtered — not just killed, slaughtered — in Israel. Among them, at least 14 American citizens killed.

Parents butchered using their bodies to try to protect their children.

Stomach-turning reports of being — babies being killed.

Entire families slain.

Young people massacred while attending a musical festival to celebrate peace — to celebrate peace.

Women raped, assaulted, paraded as trophies.

Families hid their fear for hours and hours, desperately trying to keep their children quiet to avoid drawing attention.

And thousands of wounded, alive but carrying with them the bullet holes and the shrapnel wounds and the memory of what they endured.

You all know these traumas never go away.

There are still so many families desperately waiting to hear the fate of their loved ones, not knowing if they’re alive or dead or hostages.

Infants in their mothers’ arms, grandparents in wheelchairs, Holocaust survivors abducted and held hostage — hostages whom Hamas has now threatened to execute in violation of every code of human morality.

It’s abhorrent.

The brutality of Hamas — this bloodthirstiness — brings to mind the worst — the worst rampages of ISIS.

This is terrorism.

But sadly, for the Jewish people, it’s not new.

This attack has brought to the surface painful memories and the scars left by a millennia of antisemitism and genocide of the Jewish people.

So, in this moment, we must be crystal clear: We stand with Israel. We stand with Israel. And we will make sure Israel has what it needs to take care of its citizens, defend itself, and respond to this attack.

There is no justification for terrorism. There is no excuse.

Hamas does not stand for the Palestinian people’s right to dignity and self-determination. Its stated purpose is the annihilation of the State of Israel and the murder of Jewish people.

They use Palestinian civilians as human shields.

Hamas offers nothing but terror and bloodshed with no regard to who pays the price.

The loss of innocent life is heartbreaking.

Like every nation in the world, Israel has the right to respond — indeed has a duty to respond — to these vicious attacks.

I just got off the phone with — the third call with Prime Minister Netanyahu. And I told him if the United States experienced what Israel is experiencing, our response would be swift, decisive, and overwhelming.

We also discussed how democracies like Israel and the United States are stronger and more secure when we act according to the rule of law.

Terrorists purpo- — purposefully target civilians, kill them. We uphold the laws of war — the law of war. It matters. There’s a difference.

Today, Americans across the country are praying for all those families that have been ripped apart. A lot of us know how it feels. It leaves a black hole in your chest when you lose family, feeling like you’re being sucked in. The anger, the pain, the sense of hopelessness.

This is what they mean by a “human tragedy” — an atrocity on an appalling scale.

But we’re going to s- — continue to stand united, supporting the people of Israel who are suffering unspeakable losses and opposing the hatred and violence of terrorism.

My team has been in near constant communication with our Israeli partners and partners all across the region and the world from the moment this crisis began.

We’re surging additional military assistance, including ammunition and interceptors to replenish Iron Dome.

We’re going to make sure that Israel does not run out of these critical assets to defend its cities and its citizens.

My administration has consulted closely with Congress throughout this crisis. And when Congress returns, we’re going to ask them to take urgent action to fund the national security requirements of our critical partners.

This is not about party or politics. This is about the security of our world, the security of the United States of America.

We now know that American citizens are among those being held by Hamas.

I’ve directed my team to share intelligence and deploy additional experts from across the United States government to consult with and advise the Israeli counterparts on hostage recover- — recovery efforts, because as president I have no higher priority than the safety of Americans being held hostage around the world.

The United States has also enhanced our military force posture in the region to strengthen our deterrence.

The Department of Defense has moved the USS Gerald R. Ford Carrier Strike Group to the Eastern Mediterranean and bolstered our fighter aircraft presence. And we stand ready to move in additional assets as needed.

Let me say again — to any country, any organization, anyone thinking of taking advantage of this situation, I have one word: Don’t. Don’t.

Our hearts may be broken, but our resolve is clear.

Yesterday, I also spoke with the leaders of
France, Germany, Italy, and the UK to discuss the latest developments with our European allies and coordinate our united response.

This comes on top of days of steady engagement with partners across the region.

We’re also taking steps at home. In cities across the United States of America, police departments have stepped up security around centers for — of Jewish life.

And the Department of Homeland Security and the Federal Bureau of Investigation are working closely with state and local law enforcement and Jewish community partners to identify and disrupt any domestic threat that could emerge in connection with these horrific attacks.

This is a moment for the United States to come together, to grieve with those who are mourning.

Let’s be real clear: There is no place for hate in America — not against Jews, not against Muslims, not against anybody. We reject — we reject — what we reject is terrorism. We condemn the indiscriminate evil, just as we’ve always done.

That’s what America stands for.

You know, just over 50 years ago — I was thinking about it this morning, talking with the Secretary of State, the Vice President in my office and — over 50 years ago, as a young senator, I visited Israel for the first time, as a newly elected senator.

And I had a long, long trip — or meeting with Golda Meir in her office just before the Yom Kippur War. And I guess she could see the consternation on my face as she described what was being faced — they were facing.

We walked outside in that — that sort of hallway outside her office to have some photos. She looked at me and w- — all of a sudden and said, “Would you like to have a photograph?” And so, I got up and followed her out.

We were standing there silent, looking at the press. She could tell, I guess, I was concerned. She leaned over and whispered to me — she said, “Don’t worry, Senator Biden. We have a secret weapon here in Israel” — my word this is what she said — “We have no place else to go.” “We have no place else to go.”

For 75 years, Israel has stood as the ultimate guarantor of security of Jewish people around the world so that the atrocities of the past could never happen again.

And let there be no doubt: The United States has Israel’s back.

We will make sure the Jewish and democratic State of Israel can defend itself today, tomorrow, as we always have. It’s as simple as that.

These atrocities have been sickening.

We’re — we’re with Israel. Let’s make no mistake.

Thank you.

2:34 P.M. EDT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/10/10/remarks-by-president-biden-on-the-terrorist-attacks-in-israel-2/

October 11, 2023
Remarks by President Biden and Second Gentleman Douglas Emhoff at Roundtable with Jewish Community Leaders
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Indian Treaty Room
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4:29 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Please, everybody, sit down.

THE SECOND GENTLEMAN: Thank you. Please be seated. Good afternoon. Good afternoon, everyone.

Thank you so much for joining us today. I want to start by just saying the Vice President and I are outraged at these horrific terrorist attacks in Israel perpetrated by Hamas. We are outraged.

With our broken hearts, we are sending our love, our strength, and our unwavering support to the people of Israel.

I am honored to be with all of you today as an American, as a patriot who loves this country, but also as a Jew. And like all Jews, I feel a deep, visceral connection to Israel and its people.

We witnessed a mass murder of innocent civilians. It was a terrorist assault, and there is never any justification for terrorism. There are no two sides to this issue.

The images that we saw will be seared in our brains forever: rockets falling on cities, people dragged from their homes and shot dead, children sheltering from bullets, bodies lining the streets. And all the while, we see videos of these terrorists cheering on these atrocities.

The toll on Israel and the Jewish community is hard to imagine, but we can imagine it because it’s happening. And I know many of you have sent texts and calls this weekend checking on loved ones. And I know too many of you received heartbreaking replies. And we know today that at least 22 Americans won’t be coming home.

I know you’re all hurting. The entire Jewish community is hurting. I’m hurting. We grieve with you. We stand with you.

But thank God we have the steady leadership of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris during this unthinkable time in our history. Their moral compass, their calm and empathy are what we need in this time of crisis. And we saw that yesterday when President Biden, with Vice President Harris and Secretary Blinken by his side, powerfully addressed the nation and made clear to the world that Israel has the United States’ unwavering support.

Our President and Vice President are making sure Israel has what it needs to defend itself. We are grateful for their leadership and support for Israel at this exceptionally difficult time.

We also acknowledge and address how these events will impact us as Jews, which is why we’re here to have this discussion. And I know many of us feel a deep fear that these attacks will unfortunately and already have led to a rise in hate and antisemitism. We’re already seeing it.

And that’s why this discussion and the work you and your organizations do is so vitally important.

Almost a year ago, I sat right in this spot in this very room, and many of you were here with me that day. And, then, we called attention to the epidemic of hate that we’re facing. And following that meeting, we took action.

And in May, the Biden-Harris administration released the first-ever National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism. The plan includes over 100 meaningful actions we are taking right now to fight back against antisemitism and hate.

And each of you played a role in crafting this strategy. We couldn’t have done this without you. So, thank you for the work that you’ve done, that you’re continuing to do.

And, as we’re going to discuss later, myself and the Biden-Harris administration officials are working with federal, state, and local leaders to implement this plan across the country. We are going to continue to bring people together, and, importantly, we’re going to build coalitions to fight back against hate.

We cannot do this alone. The story of the Jewish people has always been one of perseverance and resilience. In dark times, we come together and we fight back, and we also seek to build a better world.

Last year, before my trip to Poland and Germany, President Biden took me into the Oval Office. He told me how his father had taught him about the horrors of the Holocaust and how he later traveled to Dachau with his children and grandchildren to teach them those same lessons.

So, I know firsthand how important it is to President Biden to preserve our Jewish history and to make sure that hate has no safe harbor in America and the world. As an American Jew, I am so grateful that, in this moment of tumult and pain, we have Joe Biden as President and Kamala Harris as Vice President.

It is now my honor to introduce a true advocate for the Jewish community. Please join me in welcoming President Joe Biden. (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Please. Please.

Folks, I came, first of all, to say thank you. Thank you to all of you in this room. You not only care, but you’ve — you’ve been breaking your neck over the last couple years to deal with this overall issue of antisemitism.

Now, I know many of you are personally impacted by what’s happened in Israel. There are thousands of dual citizens. Maybe some of your relatives are there.

And, Doug, I want to thank you for all the work you’ve done on behalf of our administration to combat antisemitism.

(Clears throat.) And I apologize. I’ve been on the phone around the clock with our friends around the world, quite frankly, discussing what’s going on in Israel.

And — and I want you to know that — I want to thank you as well for — all of you as well for working — the work you’re doing to bring comfort and — in this moment of grief, for those of you who are grieving as well.

And — and you’ll read this weekend in synagogue, the Torah teaches us that God made the stars to, quote, “Give light on the Earth… and separate light from darkness” — “give light on the Earth… and separate light from darkness.”

You know, it’s been hard to find that light during the darkness of these past few days, when terrorist groups like Hamas brought not only terror, but sheer evil — sheer evil to the world. Evil that echoes the worst and matches — in some cases, exceeds — the worst atrocities of ISIS. More than 1,000 civilians slaughtered in Israel.

And, by the way, I’ve been speaking with a number of Israeli leaders, a number of leaders around the world, leaders in the region as well. And, you know, among those who have been victimized — this evil, who would — who have been killed are at least 22 American citizens.

This attack was a campaign of pure cruelty — not just hate, but pure cruelty — against the Jewish people. And I would argue it’s the deadliest day for Jews since the Holocaust — the deadliest day since the Holocaust, one of the worst chapters in human history that reminded us all that — that expression I learned from my dad early on: “Silence is complicity.”

I’m not — I mean, silence is complicity. It really is. And I want you to know — I think you’ve already figured it out — I refuse to be silent, and I know you refuse to be silent as well. (Applause.)

And you all — I know you’re here with my senior staff. You all represent a voice that America has to hear. America is not — can’t be silent.

You know, we not only reject terrorism, but it goes beyond that. It goes beyond rejecting terrorism.

You know, I spoke with Prime Minister Netanyahu for — I don’t know how many times this — but this — again this morning. And already we’re — we’re surging additional military assistance to the Israeli Defense Force, including ammunition interceptors to replenish the Iron Dome. And we have moved a U.S. Carrier fleet to the Eastern Mediterranean, and we’re sending more fighter jets there into that region and made it clear — made it clear to the Iranians, “Be careful.”

We want to make it real clear: We’re working on every aspect of the hostage crisis in Israel, including deploying experts to advise and assist with recovery efforts.

Now, the press are going to shout to me — and many of you are — that, you know, “What are you doing to bring these — get these folks home?” If I told you, I wouldn’t be able to get them home.

Folks, there’s a lot we’re doing — a lot we’re doing. I have not given up hope on bringing these folks home. But the idea that I’m going to stand here before you and tell you what I’m doing is bizarre. So, I hope you understand how bizarre I think it would be to try to answer that question.

In the days ahead, we’re going to continue to work closely with our partners in Israel and around the world to ensure Israel has what it needs to defend its citizens, its cities, and to respond to these attacks.

As I said yesterday, my commitment to Israel’s security and the safety of the Jewish people is unshakeable. The United States has Israel’s back. And I have yours as well, both at home and abroad.

You know, you can see the pain in some your faces as I walked into this room. You okay, kiddo?

Well, your fear for family, friends back in Israel. You worry about kids being targeted in school about — about going about their daily lives. You’re hurt by the downplaying of Hamas’s atrocities and blaming Israel. This is unconscionable.

And I have asked members of my team, including Homeland Security Secretary Mayorkas and Attorney General Garland, to work intensively with our Jewish community partners, so — so many of you here — to set up security around Jewish life in America — identify, prevent, and disrupt emerging threats that occur.

You know, we’re also going to continue to condemn and combat antisemitism at every single turn — at every turn. You know, the past few days have been a solemn reminder that hate never goes away.

If you’ll hold on a second, I used to — I used to think you could defeat hate, that you could make it — all it does is go underground. It just goes underground. It doesn’t go away. It only hides until it’s given a little oxygen — a little bit of oxygen.

And that’s why I’ve secured the largest-ever increase in funding for the physical security for nonprofits, including synagogues, Jewish community centers, Jewish day schools. And in May, I released the first-ever National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism with the input from many of you in this room. Many of you in this room helped write that.

It’s the most ambitious, comprehensive effort to combat antisemitism in American history — in all of American history. And we’re aggressively implementing it.

But — but we must all do our part and forcefully speak out against antisemitism and push back against the attempts to deny or distort the facts. To make clear, there is no place for hate in America — not against Jews, not against Muslims, not against anybody.

And we mourn the act — an act that you and so many leaders have, across the country, been showing us what thousands of years of Jewish history has shown us: the enduring strength — and I mean this sincerely — the enduring strength and spirit of the Jewish community.

If you’ll excuse a point of personal privilege — they used to say in the Senate — that’s why I took my kids — every one, when they turned 14 years old, one at a time, I put them on a plane and took them to Dachau. I wanted them to see that you could not not know what was going on walking through those gates. You could not fail to understand as a country what was going on. And that’s a fact.

It had a profound impact on my children and my grandchildren. Some thought taking a 14-year-old grandchild was a mistake, but I took them one at a time. I’ve got three more to go. And, folks, it’s important.

You know, the miracle of Israel is Israel. It’s Israel itself — the hope it inspires, the light it represents to the world.

And, folks, I was asked to — in one of my very frank conversations with Bibi and with Herzog. Said, “Why do I feel so deeply about this?” It’s not about the region. I truly believe, were there no Israel, no Jew in the world would be ultimately safe. It’s the only ultimate guarantee. The only ultimate guarantee. The only ultimate guarantee.

And, folks, because of you — and I mean this sincerely — because you’re speaking up, because of the intensity and the intellect and the brilliance you bring to this cause, I think we have a chance to end this in a way that is — that makes it very difficult for it to be repeated.

I want to thank you for your leadership. And, as I said, there’s a lot to talk about. And — but I’m really, quite frankly, concerned as to — it’s hard to talk about this without detail. And it’s contrary to our interests to let out the detail of what we’re going on.

I mean, this is just around the clock, as you understand — you fully understand. But, you know, I’ve known Bibi for over 40 years in a very frank relationship. I know him well. And the one thing that I did say that it is really important that Israel, with all the anger and frustration and just — I don’t know how to explain it — that exists is that they operate by the rules of war — the rules of war. And there are rules of war.

And — and I believe Israel is doing everything in its power to — to pull the country together, stay on the same page, and we’re going to do everything in our power to make sure Israel succeeds and, God willing, to bring home those Americans who are in harm’s way.

I’m going to let you all have the private conversation you’ve been having, which you should continue to have. But I just came to basically — I really mean it from the bottom of my heart; I give you my word as a Biden — thank you. Thank you for the intensity of your support. It matters. It matters that Americans see what’s happening.

I mean, I — I’ve been doing this a long time. I never really thought that I would see and have confirmed pictures of terrorists beheading children. I never thought I’d ever — anyway. I —

But there are countries in the region that are trying to be of some help, including Arab nations that are trying to be of some help. So, anyway.

Q Mr. President, where do you draw strength and inspiration in these troubling times?

THE PRESIDENT: From my faith. From my faith — my faith that — that at the core of every human being is a spark of humanity and decency, and it’s got to be touched. It’s got to be spoken to. That’s what you do. That’s why you’re here.

It’s not about, you know, revenge. It’s about — it’s about decency, just basically decent — just basic decency. Treating people with a sense of — I don’t know quite how to say it. But I know we can overcome this. I know we can overcome this.

Look, I don’t know anything about the kind of loss that’s talking — but I know a little bit of what it’s like to feel loss of those people you adore. Get a phone call saying they’re gone. I get that part. Not the same, but I get that part.

And what I’ve learned is that as we — as we persevere, we can grow. And the day will come when the memory of that person or those persons will bring a smile to your lips before it brings a tear to your eye. It will happen. It will happen, but, God, it takes a long time sometimes.

And when it’s borne out of something that has been anything from a mistake to a vicious, vicious intent, you know, it varies in degrees. I’m not saying I know the same, but I just — look, I mean, I’ll never forget — well, I won’t go into that.

Anyway, I just think that if we stay true to our values, pursue with every inch and every bit of our energy to get this right, we can bury this again and bring people back — bring people home and bring them togeth- — I think we can — I think we can change the Middle East. But then again, I have been referred to as a congenital optimist.

And I’m not going to answer any questions from you guys right now, but my — my team here knows, when — when the press is gone, they’ll talk more directly to you. But even then, they’re not going to be able to tell you all that we’re doing and all that’s going on. So —

MR. DIAMENT: Not a question, sir, but we — may we please say thank you. Eighty years ago this week — eighty years ago this week, a group of 400 rabbis came to Washington hoping to meet with Franklin Delano Roosevelt and appeal to him to act to rescue the Jews who were being persecuted in Europe, and they were refused a meeting with President Roosevelt. They were refused entry to the White House.

And the fact that we are here today and you have spoken as the President of the United States so clearly in support of Israel, so clearly in support of the Jewish people, and so — and welcomed leaders and representatives of the Jewish community into the White House for this discussion shows what a dramatic distance we’ve traveled in these United States, how we as the Jewish community are blessed to live today in these United States. And we thank you for your leadership and your moral clarity. (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you.

4:50 P.M. EDT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/10/11/remarks-by-president-biden-and-second-gentleman-douglas-emhoff-at-roundtable-with-jewish-community-leaders/


October 18, 2023
Remarks by President Biden and Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel Before Bilateral Meeting | Tel Aviv, Israel
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11:40 A.M. IDT

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU: Mr. President, Joe, I want to thank you for coming here today and for the unequivocal support you have given Israel during these trying times, a support that reflects the overwhelming will of the American people.

I’ve seen your support every day in the depth and breadth of cooperation that we have had since the beginning of this war, a level of cooperation that is truly unprecedented in the history of the great alliance between our two nations.

We see that support in your steadfast commitment to provide Israel with the tools we need to defend ourselves. We see that support in the clear message you’ve sent our enemies not to test our resolve and in the two American carrier battle groups that you sent to the region to back up those words with action.

But above all, Mr. President, the world sees that support in the moral clarity that you have demonstrated from the moment Israel was attacked.

You’ve rightly drawn a clear line between the forces of civilization and the forces of barbarism. You described what Hamas did as “sheer evil.” It is exactly that.

Hamas murdered children in front of their parents and parents in front of their children. They burned people alive. They raped and murdered women. They beheaded soldiers. They — they searched for the secret hiding places where parents hid their children.

And just imagine, Mr. President, the — the fear and the panic of those little children in their last moments as the monsters discovered — found out their hiding places.

Hamas kidnapped women, children, elderly, Holocaust survivals [survivors]. I know you share our outrage on this, and I know you share our determination to bring these people back.

On October 7th, Hamas murdered 1,400 Israelis, maybe more. This is in a country of fewer than 10 million people. This would be equivalent to over 50,000 Americans murdered in a single day. That’s 20 9/11s. That is why October 7th is another day that will live in infamy.

Mr. President, you rightly said that Hamas is worse than ISIS. The German Chancellor, who visited here yesterday, said that Hamas were the new Nazis. You’re both right. And just as the civilized world united to defeat the Nazis and united to defeat ISIS, the civilized world must unite to defeat Hamas.

I can assure you, Mr. President, Israel is united to defeat Hamas. And we will defeat Hamas and remove this terrible threat from our lives.

The forces of civilization will prevail, for our sake, for your sake, for peace and security in our region and in the world.

Mr. President, for the people of Israel, there’s only one thing better than having a true friend like you standing with Israel, and that is having you standing in Israel.

Your visit here is the first visit of an American president in Israel at a time of war. It is deeply, deeply moving.

It speaks to the depth of your personal commitment to Israel. It speaks to the depth of your personal commitment to the future of the Jewish people and the one and only Jewish state.

So, I know I speak for all the people of Israel when I say: Thank you, Mr. President. Thank you for standing with Israel today, tomorrow, and always.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, Mr. Prime Minister, thank you very much.

Look, folks, I wanted to be here today for a simple reason. I wanted the people of Israel, the people of the world to know where the United States stands.

I’ve had my great Secretary of State here. He’s been here for — a lot. But I wanted to personally come and make that clear.

The terrorist group Hamas has slaughtered, as has been pointed out, over 1,300 people — and it is not hyperbole to suggest “slaughtered” — “slaughtered” — and — including 31 Americans as part of that.

And they’ve taken scores of people hostage, including children. You said: Imagine what those children hiding from Hamas were thinking. It’s beyond my comprehension to be able to imagine what they were thinking. Beyond my comprehension.

They’re — committed evils that — and atrocities that make ISIS look somewhat more rational.

You know, Americans are grieving with you. They really are. And Americans are worried. Americans are worried because we know there’s — this is not an easy field to navigate what you have to do.

But the fact is that Israel, as they respond to these attacks, it seems to me that — have to continue to ensure that you have what you need to defend yourselves. And we’re going to make sure that occurs, as you know.

And we have to also bear in mind that Hamas does not represent all the Palestinian people and has brought them only suffering.

You know, years ago, I asked the Secretary of State, when he and I were working in the Senate, to write something for me. And he said — he wrote a line that I think is appropriate. He said, “It’s not — we lead not just…” Well, I won’t go into it. I’ll wait until later. I’m taking too much time.

But the point is this — that I was deeply saddened and outraged by the explosion at the hospital in Gaza yesterday. And based on what I’ve seen, it appears as though it was done by the other team, not — not you. But there’s a lot of people out there who are not sure.

So, we got a lot of — we got to overcome a lot of things.

And it also means encouraging lifesaving capacity to help the Palestinians who are innocent, caught in the middle of this.

And — well, any rate, that’s — that’s who we are — not just me, but I mean that’s who the United States is. And it’s just not the example of our power, it’s the power of our example that’s almost as important.

The world is looking. We — Israel has a value set like the United States does and other democracies, and — and they’re looking to see what we’re going to do.

So, Mr. Prime Minister, I’m very happy to be back in Israel with you. Thank you for having me. And I’m looking forward to having a thorough discussion about where everybody goes from here.

But thank you.

And I want to say to the people of Israel: Their courage, their commitment, their bravery is — is stunning. It’s really stunning. I’m proud to be here.

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU: Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

11:50 A.M. IDT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/10/18/remarks-by-president-biden-and-prime-minister-netanyahu-of-israel-before-bilateral-meeting-tel-aviv-israel/

 October 18, 2023
Remarks by President Biden and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel Before Expanded Bilateral Meeting | Tel Aviv, Israel
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1:55 P.M. IDT

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU: Mr. President, you are meeting with our united war cabinet — united and resolved to lead Israel to victory. This will be a different kind of war because Hamas is a different kind of enemy.

While Israel seeks to minimize civilian casualties, Hamas seeks to maximize civilian casualties. Hamas wants to kill as many Israelis as possible and has no regard whatsoever to Palestinian lives.

Every day, they perpetrate a double war crime: targeting our civilians while hiding behind their civilians, embedding themselves in the civilian population, and using them as human shields.

We’ve seen the cost of this — this terrible double war crime against humanity that Hamas is perpetrating in the last 11 days. As Israel legitimately targets terrorists, civilians are unfortunately harmed. Hamas is responsible and should be held accountable for all civilian casualties.

We saw the cost of this terrible war crime yesterday, when a rocket fired by a Palestinian terrorist misfired and landed on a Palestinian hospital. The entire world was rightfully outraged. But this outrage should be directed not at Israel but at the terrorists.

As we proceed in this war, Israel will do everything it can to keep civilians out of harm’s way. We’ve asked them and we’ll continue to ask them to move to safer areas. We’ll continue to work with you, Mr. President, to assure that the minimal requirements are met, and we’ll continue to work together to get our hostages out.

Mr. President, the road to victory will be long and hard, but united in purpose and with a deep sense of justice and the unbreakable spirit of our soldiers and our people, Israel will prevail.

Thank you, Mr. President.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, thank you, Mr. Prime Minister.

In the wake of Hamas’s appalling terrorist assault — it was brutal, inhumane, almost beyond belief what they did — this cabinet came together and — standing strong, standing united.

And — and I want you to know you’re not alone. You are not alone.

As I emphasized earlier, we will continue to have Israel’s back as you work to defend your people. We’ll continue to work with you and partners across the region to prevent more tragedy to innocent civilians.

Seventy-five years ago, your founders declared that this nation would be one based — quote, “based on freedom, justice, and peace.” “Based on freedom, justice, and peace.”

The United States stands with you in defense of that freedom, in pursuit of that justice, and in support of that peace today, tomorrow, and always. We promise you.

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU: Thank you.

2:00 P.M. IDT
https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/10/18/remarks-by-president-biden-and-prime-minister-benjamin-netanyahu-of-israel-before-expanded-bilateral-meeting-tel-aviv-israel/ 



October 18, 2023
Remarks by President Biden at Community Engagement to Meet with Israelis Impacted or Involved in the Response to the October 7th Terrorist Attacks | Tel Aviv, Israel
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3:57 P.M. IDT

THE PRESIDENT: Folks, there is an Irish poet named William Butler Yeats, and he wrote a line — he said: Too long a suffering makes a stone of the heart. Too long a suffering makes a stone of the heart.

The thing that I found at just this real quick meeting with all of you is none of your hearts have turned to stone yet. Every one of you talked about what you have to do — every one I talked to — about having to reach out, talked about, whether or not they were a Jew or a Muslim, reach out.

And, you know, I’ve often said I remember the first time that I was in Israel with Golda Meir. She was — just before the Six-Day War. And she was telling me how terrible everything was, which it was.

She kept flipping the maps up and down behind her. And all of the sudden, she looked at me, and she said, “Would you like a photograph?” And I thought, “That’s unusual.” And w- — she just got up and walked out that door outside her office.

And we’re standing there having a photograph taken like you and I are standing, looking at the press. And she — without looking at me, she turned and she — like this, and she said, “You look worried, Senator.” I said, “I am.” She said, “Don’t worry, we Jews have a secret weapon in our fight: We have no place else to go.”

Well, the truth of the matter is, if there weren’t an Israel, we’d have to invent one. The truth of the matter is that I believe that yo- — as I went home and said — I got in trouble at the time, but it was true: You don’t have to be a Jew to be a Zionist. You don’t have to be a Jew to be a Zionist.

And I think the security and safety of Jews worldwide is anchored in the re- — the continued vibrance of the State of Israel. That’s what I think it’s about at its core.

And so, I’ve admired you — you all, this country for so long. And I’m convinced that the more people know the — your responses to what’s happening as opposed to just what war and peace is about, the more they’re going to be inclined embrace — embrace Israel.

And — but I have a lot more to say. But I’d like to talk to you in private, if I can. (Applause.)

Q What evidence have you seen (inaudible)?

THE PRESIDENT: The data I was shown. The data I was shown by my Defense Department.

4:02 P.M. IDT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/10/18/remarks-by-president-biden-at-community-engagement-to-meet-with-israelis-impacted-or-involved-in-the-response-to-the-october-7th-terrorist-attacks-tel-aviv-israel/

 October 18, 2023
Remarks by President Biden on the October 7th Terrorist Attacks and the Resilience of the State of Israel and its People | Tel Aviv, Israel
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5:06 P.M. IDT

THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. Please have a seat. I come to Israel with a single message: You are not alone. You are not alone.

As long as the United States stands — and we will stand forever — we will not let you ever be alone.

Most importantly, the — I know the recent terrorist assault on the people of this nation has left a deep, deep wound.

More than 1,300 innocent Israelis killed, including at least 31 American citizens, by the terrorist group Hamas.

Hundreds — hundreds of young people at a music festival of — the festival was for peace — for peace — gunned down as they ran for their lives.

Scores of innocents — from infants to elderly grandparents, Israelis and Americans — taken hostage.

Children slaughtered. Babies slaughtered. Entire families massacred.

Rape, beheadings, bodies burned alive.

Hamas committed atrocities that recall the worst ravages of ISIS, unleashing pure unadulterated evil upon the world.

There is no rationalizing it, no excusing it. Period.

The brutality we saw would have cut deep anywhere in the world, but it cuts deeper here in Israel.

October 7th, which was a sacred to — a sacred Jewish holiday, became the deadliest day for the Jewish people since the Holocaust. It has brought to the surface painful memories and scars left by a millennia of antisemitism and the genocide of the Jewish people.

The world watched then, it knew, and the world did nothing. We will not stand by and do nothing again. Not today, not tomorrow, not ever.

To those who are living in limbo waiting desperately to learn the fate of loved ones, especially to families of the hostages: You’re not alone.

We’re working with partners throughout the region, pursuing every avenue to bring home those who are being held captive by Hamas.

I can’t speak publicly about all the details, but let me assure you: For me as the American president, there is no higher priority than the release and safe return of all these hostages.

To those who are grieving a child, a parent, a spouse, a sibling, a friend, I know you feel like there’s that black hole in the middle of your chest. You feel like you’re being sucked into it.

The survivor’s remorse, the anger, the questions of faith in your soul.

Starting at — staring at that empty chair, sitting Shiva. The first Sabbath without them.

They are the everyday things — the small things that you miss the most.

The scent when you open the closet door. The morning coffee you shared together.

The bend in his smile, the perfect pitch of her laugh, the giggle of your little boy — the baby.

For those who have lost loved ones, this is what I know: They’ll never be truly gone. There’s something that’s never fully lost: your love for them and their love for you.

And I promise you, you’ll be walking along some days and say, “What would she or he want me to do?” You’ll smile when you pass a place that reminds you of them. That’s when you know — when a smile comes to your lips before a tear to your eye — that’s when you know you’re going to fully make it.

That’s what will give you the fortitude to find light in the darkest hours when terrorists believed they could bring down — bring you down, bend your will, break your resolve. But they never did, and they never will.

Instead, we saw incredible stories of heroism and courage of Israelis taking care of one another.

Neighbors forming watch groups to protect their kibbutz, opening their homes to shelter survivors.

Retired soldiers running into danger once again.

Civilian medics flying across rescue — flying rescue missions. And off-duty medics at the musical festival caring for the wounded before coming victim — before becoming a victim themselves.

Volunteers retrieving bodies of the dead so families could bury their loved ones in accordance with Jewish tradition.

Reservists leaving behind their families, their honeymoons, their studies abroad without hesitation.

And so much more.

The State of Israel was born to be a safe place for the Jewish people of the world. That’s why it was born. I have long said: If Israel didn’t exist, we would have to invent it.

And while it may not feel that way today, Israel must again be a safe place for the Jewish people. And I promise you: We’re going to do everything in our power to make sure that it will be.

Seventy-five years ago, just 11 minutes after its founding, President Harry S. Truman and the United States of America became the first nation to recognize Israel. We have stood by your side ever since, and we’re going to stand by your side now.

My administration has been in close touch with your leadership from the first moments of this attack, and we are going to make sure we have — you have what you need to protect your people, to defend your nation.

For decades, we’ve ensured Israel’s qualitative military edge. And later this week, I’m going to ask the United States Congress for an unprecedented support package for Israel’s defense.

We are going to keep Iron Dome fully supplied so it can continue standing sentinel over Israeli skies, saving Israeli lives.

We have moved U.S. military assets to the region, including positioning the USS Ford carrier strike group in the Eastern Mediterranean, with the USS Eisenhower on the way, to deter — to defer further aggression against Israel and to prevent this conflict from spreading.

The world will know that Israel is — Israel is stronger than ever.

And my message to any state or any other hostile actor thinking about attacking Israel remains the same as it was a week ago: Don’t. Don’t. Don’t.

Since this terrorist attack — terrorist attack took place, we have seen it described as Israel’s 9/11. But for a nation the size of Israel, it was like 15 9/11s. The scale may be different, but I’m sure those horrors have tapped into so- — some kind of primal feeling in Israel, just like it did and felt in the United States.

Shock, pain, rage — an all-consuming rage. I understand, and many Americans understand.

You can’t look at what has happened here to your mothers, your fathers, your grandparents, sons, daughters, children — even babies — and not scream out for justice. Justice must be done.

But I caution this: While you feel that rage, don’t be consumed by it.

After 9/11, we were enraged in the United States. And while we sought justice and got justice, we also made mistakes.

I’m the first U.S. president to visit Israel in time of war.

I’ve made wartime decisions. I know the choices are never clear or easy for the leadership. There’s always costs.

But it requires being deliberate. It requires asking very hard questions. It requires clarity about the objectives and an honest assessment about whether the path you are on will achieve those objectives.

The vast majority of Palestinians are not Hamas. Hamas does not represent the Palestinian people.

Hamas uses innocents — innocent families in Gaza as human shields, putting their command centers, their weapons, their communications tunnels in residential areas.

The Palestinian people are suffering greatly as well. We mourn the loss of innocent Palestinian lives. Like the entire world, I was outraged and saddened by the enormous loss of life yesterday in the hospital in Gaza.

Based on the information we’ve seen to date, it appears the result of an errant rocket fired by a terrorist group in Gaza.

The United States unequivocally stands for the protection of civilian life during conflict, and I grieve — I truly grieve for the families who were killed or wounded by this tragedy.

The people of Gaza need food, water, medicine, shelter.

Today, I asked the Israeli cabinet — who I met with for some time this morning — to agree to the delivery of lifesaving humanitarian assistance to civilians in Gaza. Based on the understanding that there will be inspections and that the aid should go to civilians, not to Hamas, Israel agreed that humanitarian assistance can begin to move from Egypt to Gaza.

Let me be clear: If Hamas diverts or steals the assistance, they will have demonstrated once again that they have no concern for the welfare of the Palestinian people and it will end. As a practical matter, it will — it will stop the international community from being able to provide this aid.

We’re working in close cooperation with the government of Egypt; the United Nations and its agencies, like the World Food Program; and other partners in the region to get trucks moving across the border as soon as possible.

Separately, I asked Israel that the global community demand that the International Red Cross be able to visit hostages. I just demanded that the United States fully — a just demand that the United States fully supports.

Today, I’m also announcing $100 million in new U.S. funding for humanitarian assistance in both Gaza and the West Bank. This money will support more than 1 million displaced and conflict-affected Palestinians, including emergency needs in Gaza.

You are a Jewish state. You are a Jewish state, but you’re also a democracy. And like the United States, you don’t live by the rules of terrorists. You live by the rule of law. And when conflicts flare, you live by the ru- — law of wars.

What sets us apart from the terrorists is we believe in the fundamental dignity of every human life — Israeli, Palestinian, Arab, Jew, Muslim, Christian — everyone.

You can’t give up what makes you who you are. If you give that up, then the terrorists win. And we can never let them win.

You know, Israel is a miracle — a triumph of faith and resolve and resilience over impossible pain and loss.

Think about October 7th — the Jewish holiday where you read about the death of Moses. A tragic story of a profound loss to an entire nation. A death that could have left he- — a helpless — hopelessness in the hearts of the entire — of an entire nation.

But though Moses died, his memory, his message, his lessons have lived on for generations of the Jewish people as well as many others — and just as the memory of your loved ones will live on as well.

After reading the story of Moses’s death, those who observe the holiday begin reading the Torah from the very beginning. The story of creation reminds us of two things. First, that when we get knocked down, we get back up again and we begin anew. And second, when we are faced with tragedy and loss, we must go back to the beginning and remember who we are.

We are all human beings created in the image of God with dignity, humanity, and purpose. In the darkness, to be the light unto the world is what we’re about.

You inspire hope and light for so many around the world. That’s what the terrorists seek to destroy. That’s what they seek to destroy but — because they live in darkness — but not you, not Israel.

Nations of conscience like the United States and Israel are not measured solely by the example of their power. We’re measured by the power of our example.

That’s why, as hard as it is, we must keep pursuing peace. We must keep pursuing a path so that Israel and the Palestinian people can both live safely, in security, in dignity, and in peace.

For me, that means a two-state solution.

We must keep working for Israel’s greater integration with its neighbors. These attacks have only strengthened my commitment and determination and my will to get that done.

I’m here to tell you that terrorists will not win. Freedom will win.

So, let me end where I began. Israel, you are not alone. The United States stands with you.

I told the story before and I’ll tell it again of my first meeting with an Israeli prime minister 50 years ago as a young senator. I was sitting across from Golda Meir at her desk in her office. And she had a guy named — a guy who later became prime minister sitting next to me, just before the 1973 Yom Kippur War.

And she flipped the maps up and down, te- — telling me how bad things were and how terrible they were. All of the sudden, she looked and me, and she said, “Would you like a photograph?”

And I looked at her — she got up from her desk and walked out into that hallway — I think it’s marble flooring — walked out in the hallway.

We walked out, and there were a bunch of photographers standing in front of us. We were standing shoulder to shoulder.

Without her looking at me, she said to me, knowing I’d hear her, “Why do you look so worried, Senator Biden?” And I said, “Worried?” Like, “Of course, I’m worried.” And she looked at me and — she didn’t look, she said, “We — don’t worry, Senator, we Israelis have a secret weapon: We have nowhere else to go.”

Well, today, I say to all of Israel: The United States isn’t going anywhere either. We’re going to stand with you. We’ll walk beside you in those dark days, and we’ll walk beside you in the good days to come. And they will come.

As you say in Hebrew, which I’m not going to attempt to do because I’m such a terrible linguist, I’ll say it in English, “The people of Israel live.” “The people of Israel live.”

Israel will be a safe, secure, Jewish, and Democratic state today, tomorrow, and forever.

May God protect all those who work for peace. God save those who are still in harm’s way.

Thank you very much.

5:22 P.M. IDT



October 18, 2023
Remarks by President Biden on the October 7th Terrorist Attacks and the Resilience of the State of Israel and its People | Tel Aviv, Israel
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5:06 P.M. IDT

THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. Please have a seat. I come to Israel with a single message: You are not alone. You are not alone.

As long as the United States stands — and we will stand forever — we will not let you ever be alone.

Most importantly, the — I know the recent terrorist assault on the people of this nation has left a deep, deep wound.

More than 1,300 innocent Israelis killed, including at least 31 American citizens, by the terrorist group Hamas.

Hundreds — hundreds of young people at a music festival of — the festival was for peace — for peace — gunned down as they ran for their lives.

Scores of innocents — from infants to elderly grandparents, Israelis and Americans — taken hostage.

Children slaughtered. Babies slaughtered. Entire families massacred.

Rape, beheadings, bodies burned alive.

Hamas committed atrocities that recall the worst ravages of ISIS, unleashing pure unadulterated evil upon the world.

There is no rationalizing it, no excusing it. Period.

The brutality we saw would have cut deep anywhere in the world, but it cuts deeper here in Israel.

October 7th, which was a sacred to — a sacred Jewish holiday, became the deadliest day for the Jewish people since the Holocaust. It has brought to the surface painful memories and scars left by a millennia of antisemitism and the genocide of the Jewish people.

The world watched then, it knew, and the world did nothing. We will not stand by and do nothing again. Not today, not tomorrow, not ever.

To those who are living in limbo waiting desperately to learn the fate of loved ones, especially to families of the hostages: You’re not alone.

We’re working with partners throughout the region, pursuing every avenue to bring home those who are being held captive by Hamas.

I can’t speak publicly about all the details, but let me assure you: For me as the American president, there is no higher priority than the release and safe return of all these hostages.

To those who are grieving a child, a parent, a spouse, a sibling, a friend, I know you feel like there’s that black hole in the middle of your chest. You feel like you’re being sucked into it.

The survivor’s remorse, the anger, the questions of faith in your soul.

Starting at — staring at that empty chair, sitting Shiva. The first Sabbath without them.

They are the everyday things — the small things that you miss the most.

The scent when you open the closet door. The morning coffee you shared together.

The bend in his smile, the perfect pitch of her laugh, the giggle of your little boy — the baby.

For those who have lost loved ones, this is what I know: They’ll never be truly gone. There’s something that’s never fully lost: your love for them and their love for you.

And I promise you, you’ll be walking along some days and say, “What would she or he want me to do?” You’ll smile when you pass a place that reminds you of them. That’s when you know — when a smile comes to your lips before a tear to your eye — that’s when you know you’re going to fully make it.

That’s what will give you the fortitude to find light in the darkest hours when terrorists believed they could bring down — bring you down, bend your will, break your resolve. But they never did, and they never will.

Instead, we saw incredible stories of heroism and courage of Israelis taking care of one another.

Neighbors forming watch groups to protect their kibbutz, opening their homes to shelter survivors.

Retired soldiers running into danger once again.

Civilian medics flying across rescue — flying rescue missions. And off-duty medics at the musical festival caring for the wounded before coming victim — before becoming a victim themselves.

Volunteers retrieving bodies of the dead so families could bury their loved ones in accordance with Jewish tradition.

Reservists leaving behind their families, their honeymoons, their studies abroad without hesitation.

And so much more.

The State of Israel was born to be a safe place for the Jewish people of the world. That’s why it was born. I have long said: If Israel didn’t exist, we would have to invent it.

And while it may not feel that way today, Israel must again be a safe place for the Jewish people. And I promise you: We’re going to do everything in our power to make sure that it will be.

Seventy-five years ago, just 11 minutes after its founding, President Harry S. Truman and the United States of America became the first nation to recognize Israel. We have stood by your side ever since, and we’re going to stand by your side now.

My administration has been in close touch with your leadership from the first moments of this attack, and we are going to make sure we have — you have what you need to protect your people, to defend your nation.

For decades, we’ve ensured Israel’s qualitative military edge. And later this week, I’m going to ask the United States Congress for an unprecedented support package for Israel’s defense.

We are going to keep Iron Dome fully supplied so it can continue standing sentinel over Israeli skies, saving Israeli lives.

We have moved U.S. military assets to the region, including positioning the USS Ford carrier strike group in the Eastern Mediterranean, with the USS Eisenhower on the way, to deter — to defer further aggression against Israel and to prevent this conflict from spreading.

The world will know that Israel is — Israel is stronger than ever.

And my message to any state or any other hostile actor thinking about attacking Israel remains the same as it was a week ago: Don’t. Don’t. Don’t.

Since this terrorist attack — terrorist attack took place, we have seen it described as Israel’s 9/11. But for a nation the size of Israel, it was like 15 9/11s. The scale may be different, but I’m sure those horrors have tapped into so- — some kind of primal feeling in Israel, just like it did and felt in the United States.

Shock, pain, rage — an all-consuming rage. I understand, and many Americans understand.

You can’t look at what has happened here to your mothers, your fathers, your grandparents, sons, daughters, children — even babies — and not scream out for justice. Justice must be done.

But I caution this: While you feel that rage, don’t be consumed by it.

After 9/11, we were enraged in the United States. And while we sought justice and got justice, we also made mistakes.

I’m the first U.S. president to visit Israel in time of war.

I’ve made wartime decisions. I know the choices are never clear or easy for the leadership. There’s always costs.

But it requires being deliberate. It requires asking very hard questions. It requires clarity about the objectives and an honest assessment about whether the path you are on will achieve those objectives.

The vast majority of Palestinians are not Hamas. Hamas does not represent the Palestinian people.

Hamas uses innocents — innocent families in Gaza as human shields, putting their command centers, their weapons, their communications tunnels in residential areas.

The Palestinian people are suffering greatly as well. We mourn the loss of innocent Palestinian lives. Like the entire world, I was outraged and saddened by the enormous loss of life yesterday in the hospital in Gaza.

Based on the information we’ve seen to date, it appears the result of an errant rocket fired by a terrorist group in Gaza.

The United States unequivocally stands for the protection of civilian life during conflict, and I grieve — I truly grieve for the families who were killed or wounded by this tragedy.

The people of Gaza need food, water, medicine, shelter.

Today, I asked the Israeli cabinet — who I met with for some time this morning — to agree to the delivery of lifesaving humanitarian assistance to civilians in Gaza. Based on the understanding that there will be inspections and that the aid should go to civilians, not to Hamas, Israel agreed that humanitarian assistance can begin to move from Egypt to Gaza.

Let me be clear: If Hamas diverts or steals the assistance, they will have demonstrated once again that they have no concern for the welfare of the Palestinian people and it will end. As a practical matter, it will — it will stop the international community from being able to provide this aid.

We’re working in close cooperation with the government of Egypt; the United Nations and its agencies, like the World Food Program; and other partners in the region to get trucks moving across the border as soon as possible.

Separately, I asked Israel that the global community demand that the International Red Cross be able to visit hostages. I just demanded that the United States fully — a just demand that the United States fully supports.

Today, I’m also announcing $100 million in new U.S. funding for humanitarian assistance in both Gaza and the West Bank. This money will support more than 1 million displaced and conflict-affected Palestinians, including emergency needs in Gaza.

You are a Jewish state. You are a Jewish state, but you’re also a democracy. And like the United States, you don’t live by the rules of terrorists. You live by the rule of law. And when conflicts flare, you live by the ru- — law of wars.

What sets us apart from the terrorists is we believe in the fundamental dignity of every human life — Israeli, Palestinian, Arab, Jew, Muslim, Christian — everyone.

You can’t give up what makes you who you are. If you give that up, then the terrorists win. And we can never let them win.

You know, Israel is a miracle — a triumph of faith and resolve and resilience over impossible pain and loss.

Think about October 7th — the Jewish holiday where you read about the death of Moses. A tragic story of a profound loss to an entire nation. A death that could have left he- — a helpless — hopelessness in the hearts of the entire — of an entire nation.

But though Moses died, his memory, his message, his lessons have lived on for generations of the Jewish people as well as many others — and just as the memory of your loved ones will live on as well.

After reading the story of Moses’s death, those who observe the holiday begin reading the Torah from the very beginning. The story of creation reminds us of two things. First, that when we get knocked down, we get back up again and we begin anew. And second, when we are faced with tragedy and loss, we must go back to the beginning and remember who we are.

We are all human beings created in the image of God with dignity, humanity, and purpose. In the darkness, to be the light unto the world is what we’re about.

You inspire hope and light for so many around the world. That’s what the terrorists seek to destroy. That’s what they seek to destroy but — because they live in darkness — but not you, not Israel.

Nations of conscience like the United States and Israel are not measured solely by the example of their power. We’re measured by the power of our example.

That’s why, as hard as it is, we must keep pursuing peace. We must keep pursuing a path so that Israel and the Palestinian people can both live safely, in security, in dignity, and in peace.

For me, that means a two-state solution.

We must keep working for Israel’s greater integration with its neighbors. These attacks have only strengthened my commitment and determination and my will to get that done.

I’m here to tell you that terrorists will not win. Freedom will win.

So, let me end where I began. Israel, you are not alone. The United States stands with you.

I told the story before and I’ll tell it again of my first meeting with an Israeli prime minister 50 years ago as a young senator. I was sitting across from Golda Meir at her desk in her office. And she had a guy named — a guy who later became prime minister sitting next to me, just before the 1973 Yom Kippur War.

And she flipped the maps up and down, te- — telling me how bad things were and how terrible they were. All of the sudden, she looked and me, and she said, “Would you like a photograph?”

And I looked at her — she got up from her desk and walked out into that hallway — I think it’s marble flooring — walked out in the hallway.

We walked out, and there were a bunch of photographers standing in front of us. We were standing shoulder to shoulder.

Without her looking at me, she said to me, knowing I’d hear her, “Why do you look so worried, Senator Biden?” And I said, “Worried?” Like, “Of course, I’m worried.” And she looked at me and — she didn’t look, she said, “We — don’t worry, Senator, we Israelis have a secret weapon: We have nowhere else to go.”

Well, today, I say to all of Israel: The United States isn’t going anywhere either. We’re going to stand with you. We’ll walk beside you in those dark days, and we’ll walk beside you in the good days to come. And they will come.

As you say in Hebrew, which I’m not going to attempt to do because I’m such a terrible linguist, I’ll say it in English, “The people of Israel live.” “The people of Israel live.”

Israel will be a safe, secure, Jewish, and Democratic state today, tomorrow, and forever.

May God protect all those who work for peace. God save those who are still in harm’s way.

Thank you very much.

5:22 P.M. IDT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/10/18/remarks-by-president-biden-on-the-october-7th-terrorist-attacks-and-the-resilience-of-the-state-of-israel-and-its-people-tel-aviv-israel/

October 20, 2023
Remarks by President Biden on the United States’ Response to Hamas’s Terrorist Attacks Against Israel and Russia’s Ongoing Brutal War Against Ukraine
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8:02 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Good evening, my fellow Americans. We’re facing an inflection point in history — one of those moments where the decisions we make today are going to determine the future for decades to come. That’s what I’d like to talk with you about tonight.

You know, earlier this morning, I returned from Israel. They tell me I’m the first American president to travel there during a war.

I met with the Prime Minister and members of his cabinet. And most movingly, I met with Israelis who had personally lived through horrific horror of the attack by Hamas on the 7th of October.

More than 1,300 people slaughtered in Israel, including at least 32 American citizens. Scores of innocents — from infants to elderly grandparents, Israelis, Americans — taken hostage.

As I told the families of Americans being held captive by Hamas, we’re pursuing every avenue to bring their loved ones home. As President, there is no higher priority for me than the safety of Americans held hostage.

The terrorist group Hamas unleashed pure, unadulterated evil in the world. But sadly, the Jewish people know, perhaps better than anyone, that there is no limit to the depravity of people when they want to inflict pain on others.

In Israel, I saw a people who are strong, determined, resilient, and also angry, in shock, and in deep, deep pain.

I also spoke with President Abbas of the Palestinian Authority and reiterated that the United States remains committed to the Palestinian people’s right to dignity and to self-determination. The actions of Hamas terrorists don’t take that right away.

Like so many other, I am heartbroken by the tragic loss of Palestinian life, including the explosion at a hospital in Gaza — which was not done by the Israelis.

We mourn every innocent life lost. We can’t ignore the humanity of innocent Palestinians who only want to live in peace and have an opportunity.

You know, the assault on Israel echoes nearly 20 months of war, tragedy, and brutality inflicted on the people of Ukraine — people that were very badly hurt since Putin launched his all-out invasion.

We’ve have not forgotten the mass graves, the bodies found bearing signs of torture, rape used as a weapon by the Russians, and thousands and thousands of Ukrainian children forcibly taken into Russia, stolen from their parents. It’s sick.

Hamas and Putin represent different threats, but they share this in common: They both want to completely annihilate a neighboring democracy — completely annihilate it.

Hamas — its stated purpose for existing is the destruction of the State of Israel and the murder of Jewish people.

Hamas does not represent the Palestinian people. Hamas uses Palestinian civilians as human shields, and innocent Palestinian families are suffering greatly because of them.

Meanwhile, Putin denies Ukraine has or ever had real statehood. He claims the Soviet Union created Ukraine. And just two weeks ago, he told the world that if the United States and our allies withdraw — and if the United States withdraw, our allies will as well — military support for Ukraine, it would have, quote, “a week left to live.” But we’re not withdrawing.

I know these conflicts can seem far away. And it’s natural to ask: Why does this matter to America?

So let me share with you why making sure Israel and Ukraine succeed is vital for America’s national security. You know, history has taught us that when terrorists don’t pay a price for their terror, when dictators don’t pay a price for their aggression, they cause more chaos and death and more destruction. They keep going, and the cost and the threats to America and to the world keep rising.

So, if we don’t stop Putin’s appetite for power and control in Ukraine, he won’t limit himself just to Ukraine. He’s — Putin has already threated to “remind” — quote, “remind” Poland that their western land was a gift from Russia.

One of his top advisors, a former president of Russia, has called Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania Russia’s “Baltic provinces.” These are all NATO Allies.

For 75 years, NATO has kept peace in Europe and has been the cornerstone of American security. And if Putin attacks a NATO Ally, we will defend every inch of NATO which the treaty requires and calls for.

We will have something that we do not seek — make it clear: we do not seek — we do not seek to have American troops fighting in Russia or fighting against Russia.

Beyond Europe, we know that our allies and, maybe most importantly, our adversaries and competitors are watching. They’re watching our response in Ukraine as well.

And if we walk away and let Putin erase Ukraine’s independence, would-be aggressors around the world would be emboldened to try the same. The risk of conflict and chaos could spread in other parts of the world — in the Indo-Pacific, in the Middle East — especially in the Middle East.

Iran is — is supporting Russia’s U- — in Ukraine, and it’s supporting Hamas and other terrorist groups in the region. And we’ll continue to hold them accountable, I might add.

The United States and our partners across the region are working to build a better future for the Middle East, one where the Middle East is more stable, better connected to its neighbors, and — through innovative projects like the India-Middle East-Europe rail corridor that I announced this year at the summit of the world’s biggest economies. More predictable markets, more employment, less rage, less grievances, less war when connected. It benefits the people — it would benefit the people of the Middle East, and it would benefit us.

American leadership is what holds the world together. American alliances are what keep us, America, safe. American values are what make us a partner that other nations want to work with. To put all that at risk if we walk away from Ukraine, if we turn our backs on Israel, it’s just not worth it.

That’s why, tomorrow, I’m going to send to Congress an urgent budget request to fund America’s national security needs, to support our critical partners, including Israel and Ukraine.

It’s a smart investment that’s going to pay dividends for American security for generations, help us keep American troops out of harm’s way, help us build a world that is safer, more peaceful, and more prosperous for our children and grandchildren.

In Israel, we must make sure that they have what they need to protect their people today and always.

The security package I’m sending to Congress and asking Congress to do is an unprecedented commitment to Israel’s security that will sharpen Israel’s qualitative military edge, which we’ve committed to — the qualitative military edge.

We’re going to make sure Iron Dome continues to guard the skies over Israel. We’re going to make sure other hostile actors in the region know that Israel is stronger than ever and prevent this conflict from spreading.

Look, at the same time, President [Prime Minister] Netanyahu and I discussed again yesterday the critical need for Israel to operate by the laws of war. That means protecting civilians in combat as best as they can. The people of Gaza urgently need food, water, and medicine.

Yesterday, in discussions with the leaders of Israel and Egypt, I secured an agreement for the first shipment of humanitarian assistance from the United Nations to Palestinian civilians in Gaza.

If Hamas does not divert or steal this shipment — these shipments, we’re going to provide an opening for sustained delivery of lifesaving humanitarian assistance for the Palestinians.

And as I said in Israel: As hard as it is, we cannot give up on peace. We cannot give up on a two-state solution.

Israel and Palestinians equally deserve to live in safety, dignity, and peace.

You know, and here at home, we have to be honest with ourselves. In recent years, too much hate has been given too much oxygen, fueling racism, a rise in antisemitism and Islamicphobia [Islamophobia] right here in America.

It’s also intensified in the wake of recent events that led to the horrific threats and attacks that both shock us and break our hearts.

On October 7th, terror attacks have triggered deep scars and terrible memories in the Jewish community.

Today, Jewish families worried about being targeted in school, wearing symbols of their faith walking down the street, or going out about their daily lives.

You know, I know many of you in the Muslim American community or the Arab American community, the Palestinian American community, and so many others are outraged and hurting, saying to yourselves, “Here we go again,” with Islamophobia and distrust we saw after 9/11.

Just last week, a mother was brutally stabbed, a little boy — here in the United States — a little boy who had just turned six years old was murdered in their home outside of Chicago.

His name was Wadea — Wadea — a proud American, a proud Palestinian American family.

We can’t stand by and stand silent when this happens. We must, without equivocation, denounce antisemitism. We must also, without equivocation, denounce Islamophobia.

And to all of you hurting — those of you who are hurting, I want you to know: I see you. You belong. And I want to say this to you: You’re all America. You’re all America.

This is in a moment where there’s — you know, in moments like these, when fear and suspicion, anger and rage run hard, that we have to work harder than ever to hold on to the values that make us who we are.

We’re a nation of religious freedom, freedom of expression. We all have a right to debate and disagree without fear of being targeted at schools or workplaces or in our communities.

And we must renounce violence and vitriol, see each other not as enemies but as — but as fellow Americans.

When I was in Israel yesterday, I said that when America experienced the hell of 9/11, we felt enraged as well. While we sought and got justice, we made mistakes. So, I cautioned the government of Israel not to be blinded by rage.

And here in America, let us not forget who we are. We reject all forms — all forms of hate, whether against Muslims, Jews, or anyone. That’s what great nations do, and we are great nation.

On Ukraine, I’m asking Congress to make sure we can continue to send Ukraine the weapons they need to defend themselves and their country without interruption so Ukraine can stop Putin’s brutality in Ukraine.

They are succeeding.

When Putin invaded Ukraine, he thought he would take Kyiv and all of Ukraine in a matter of days. Well, over a year later, Putin has failed, and he continues to fail. Kyiv still stands because of the bravery of the Ukrainian people.

Ukraine has regained more than 50 percent of the territory
Russian troops once occupied, backed by a U.S.-led coalition of more than 50 countries around the world all doing its part to support Kyiv.

What would happen if we walked away? We are the essential nation.

Meanwhile, Putin has turned to Iran and North Korea to buy attack drones and ammunition to terrorize Ukrainian cities and people.

From the outset, I have said I will not send American troops to fight in Ukraine.

All Ukraine is asking for is help — for the weapons, munitions, the capacity, the capability to push invading Russian forces off their land, and the air defense systems to shoot down Russian missiles before they destroy Ukrainian cities.

And let me be clear about something: We send Ukraine equipment sitting in our stockpiles. And when we use the money allocated by Congress, we use it to replenish our own stores — our own stockpiles with new equipment — equipment that defe- — that defends America and is made in America: Patriot missiles for air defense batteries made in Arizona; artillery shells manufactured in 12 states across the country — in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Texas; and so much more.

You know, just as in World War Two, today, patriotic American workers are building the arsenal of democracy and serving the cause of freedom.

Let me close with this. Earlier this year, I boarded Air Force One for a secret flight to Poland. There, I boarded a train with blacked-out windows for a 10-hour ride each way to Kyiv to stand with the people of Ukraine ahead of the one-year anniversary of their brave fight against Putin.

I’m told I was the first American [president] to enter a warzone not controlled by the United States military since President Lincoln.

With me was just a small group of security personnel and a few advisors.

But when I exited that train and met Zelenskyy — President Zelenskyy, I didn’t feel alone. I was bringing with me
the idea of America, the promise of America to the people who are today fighting for the same things we fought for 250 years ago: freedom, independence, self-determination.

And as I walked through Kyiv with President Zelenskyy, with air raid sirens sounding in the distance, I felt something I’ve always believed more strongly than ever before: America is a beacon to the world still. Still.

We are, as my friend Madeleine Albright said, “the indispensable nation.”

Tonight, there are innocent people all over the world who hope because of us, who believe in a better life because of us, who are desperate not be forgotten be- — by us, and who are waiting for us.

But time is of the essence.

I know we have our divisions at home. We have to get past them. We can’t let petty, partisan, angry politics get in the way of our responsibilities as a great nation.

We cannot and will not let terrorists like Hamas and tyrants like Putin win. I refuse to let that happen.

In moments like these, we have to remind — we have to remember who we are. We are the United States of America — the United States of America. And there is nothing — nothing beyond our capacity if we do it together.

My fellow Americans, thank you for your time.

May God bless you all. And may God protect our troops.

8:17 P.M. EDT

###

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/10/20/remarks-by-president-biden-on-the-unites-states-response-to-hamass-terrorist-attacks-against-israel-and-russias-ongoing-brutal-war-against-ukraine/


 November 09, 2023
Remarks by President Biden Before Air Force One Departure | Joint Base Andrews, MD
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Joint Base Andrews
Prince George’s County, Maryland

10:40 A.M. EST

Q Mr. President, why the delay in getting hostages out?

THE PRESIDENT: We’re hopeful. Things are moving along.

Q Did you ask for a three-day pause to Netanyahu?

THE PRESIDENT: You know I’ve been asking for a pause for — for a lot more than three days (inaudible).

Q Did you ask him to pause for three days to get the hostages out for that length of time?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes. I’ve ask- — asked for even a longer pause for some of them.

Q Mr. President, we’re eight days from a shutdown — the shutdown — government shutdown. Just eight days. Can you give us an update on what you’re thinking on how to — to move past that?

THE PRESIDENT: I wish the — the House would just get to work. I’m not being facetious. I mean, this is not a political statement. The idea we’re playing games with a shutdown at this moment is just bizarre. And I think that we ought to be able to combine Ukraine and Israel. We ought to be able — and I’m open to discussions on the border, and I’ve already made some proposals. But there’s just no need for any of this.

Q Will you be bringing up the issue of an endorsement, Mr. President, with Shawn Fain?

THE PRESIDENT: Pardon me?

Q Will you be bringing up the issue of an endorsement with Shawn Fain when you meet him?

THE PRESIDENT: Will I bring up the endorsement?

Q The issue of an endorsement. He has a — the UAW hasn’t endorsed you yet.

THE PRESIDENT: Oh, no. They’re going to be fine.

Q Mr. President, were you frustrated with Prime Minister Netanyahu that he has not listened more to some of the things you have asked him to do?

THE PRESIDENT: It’s taking a little longer than I hoped.

Q They’re taking a little bit longer?

Q Do you support the UAW’s efforts to unionize Tesla and Toyota, Mr. President?

THE PRESIDENT: Absolutely.

Thank you.

10:42 A.M. EST


https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/11/09/remarks-by-president-biden-before-air-force-one-departure-joint-base-andrews-md-2/

Q What are the chances of a Gaza ceasefire?

THE PRESIDENT: None. No possibility.

 

November 09, 2023
Remarks by President Biden Before Marine One Departure
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South Lawn

10:20 A.M. EST

Q Mr. President, why did you strike the Revolutionary Guard? Mr. President, why did you strike Iran’s Revolutionary Guard?

THE PRESIDENT: Because they struck us.

Q And, President Biden, why did —

Q Do you plan to hit them again?

THE PRESIDENT: If they strike us.

Q Why do you think it is, in this election season —

THE PRESIDENT: Why do you think it is I always take your question? (Laughs.)

Q It’s a good one. I got two good ones. Why do you think it is that people should be more concerned about abortion access than your age?

THE PRESIDENT: I don’t think it’s comparable comparison.
Q Why do you think it is that you’re trailing Trump in all these swing state polls?

THE PRESIDENT: Because you don’t read the polls (inaudible). Ten polls. Eight of them, I’m beating him in those places. Eight of them. You guys only do two. CNN and New York Times. Check it out. Check it out. We’ll get you a copy of all those other polls.

Q You don’t believe you’re trailing in battleground states?

THE PRESIDENT: No, I don’t.

(Cross-talk.)

Q (Inaudible) Gaza ceasefire, Mr. President?

THE PRESIDENT: Pardon me?

Q What are the chances of a Gaza ceasefire?

THE PRESIDENT: None. No possibility.

Q Any update on getting hostages out?

THE PRESIDENT: We’re still optimistic.

Q What’s the — what’s the delay on getting more hostages?

Q What’s your message to the families of the hostages in Gaza?

THE PRESIDENT: We’re not going to stop until we get them out.

Q How confident are you that you will get them out?

Q What’s been the delay?

Q Mr. President, are the retaliatory strikes working? Mr. President, are the retaliatory strikes working in the Middle East?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes. I mean, they’re — they’re working in the sense that we’re hitting the targets they’re seeking.

Q Mr. President, Angola will celebrate the Day of Independence this Saturday. We are celebrating 48 years of independence. And you have been talking about Angola a lot. Would you like to send a message to the Angolan people?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes. They should be very proud. Very, very proud. And they’re going to build out in Angola. It’s going to be — become one of the leaders in African — in the economy. We got to get the economy more up to — up to speed.

Q And when are you meeting President Lourenço, because you have been talking about Angola, you want to help Angola, but you didn’t have a chance to meet President Lourenço yet. When are you meeting him?
THE PRESIDENT: I don’t know the time, but I’m sure I’ll meet him. Thank you.

Q Thank you.

10:23 A.M. EST

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/11/09/remarks-by-president-biden-before-marine-one-departure-39/

November 24, 2023
Remarks by President Biden on the Release of Hostages from Gaza
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White Elephant Nantucket
Nantucket, Massachusetts

2:16 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: Hey, folks. We all set?

AIDE: Yes, sir.

THE PRESIDENT: All right. Yesterday, families all across America gathered together with their loved ones and to — to give thanks.

We have much to be thankful for in America: the food on our tables, the family and loved ones in our homes, and the many blessings that come from living in the greatest nation on Earth.

And today, we can also be thankful of families being recruited and reunited with loved ones who have been held hostage for nearly 50 days.

Beginning this morning, under a deal reached by extensive U.S. diplomacy, including numerous calls I’ve made from the Oval Office to leaders across the region, fighting in Gaza will halt for four days.

This deal also is structured to allow a pause to continue for more than 50 hostages to be released. That’s our goal.

This morning, I’ve been engaged with my team as we began the first difficult days of implementing this deal.
It is only a start, but, so far, it’s gone well. Earlier this morning, 13 Israeli hostages were released, including an elderly woman — a grandmother — and mothers with their young children, some under the age of six years old.

Separately, several Thai nationals and Filipino nationals who were also kidnapped by Hamas on the 7th, they were released as well.

All of these hostages have been through a terrible ordeal, and this is the beginning of a long journey of healing for them.

The teddy bears waiting to greet those children at the hospital are a stark reminder of the trauma these children have been through and at such a very young age.

Jill and I — and Jill is with me here — are keeping them all in our prayers today.

Today — today has been the product of a lot of hard work and weeks of personal engagement.

From the moment Hamas kidnapped these people, I, along with my team, have worked around the clock to secure their release.

We saw the first results of this effort with the release of two American hostages in late October followed by the release of two Israeli hostages.

I have consistently pressed for a pause in the fighting for two reasons: to accelerate and expand the humanitarian assistance going into Gaza and, two, to facilitate the release of hostages.

And over the past several weeks, I’ve spoken repeatedly with the Emir of Qatar, the President Sisi of Egypt, and Prime Minister Netanya- — Netanyahu of Israel to help secure this deal — to nail it down. And I want to thank all three leaders for their personal partnership to get this done.

I spoke with the Emir and President El-Sisi and the Prime Minister Netanyahu again on Wednesday to confirm the elements of the engagement.

As I said, today’s release are the start of a process. We expect more hostages to be released tomorrow and more the day after and more the day after that. Over the next few days, we expect that dozens of hostages will be returned to their families.

We also remember all those who are still being held and renew our commitment to work for their release as well. Two American women and one four-year-old child, Abigail, who remains among those missing.

We also will not stop until we get these hostages brought home and an answer to their whereabouts.

I remain in personal contact with the leaders of Qatar, Egypt, and Israel to make sure this stays on track and every aspect of the deal is implemented.

You know, this extended pause in the fighting brings a critical opportunity to deliver much-needed food, medicine, water, and fuel to the civilians in Gaza, and we are not wasting one single minute.

Since my trip to Israel last month, I’ve been focused on accelerating the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Gaza in coordination with the United Nations and the Red Cross.

I just spoke with my Special Envoy for the Middle East Humanitarian Issues, David Satterfield, for an update, and I’ve asked him to monitor our progress hour by hour and keep me personally informed.

From the beginning, we have put in place mechanisms to prevent Hamas from diverting these supplies, and we are continuing that effort to make sure aid gets to the people who need it.

More than 200 trucks arrived at the crossing point in Egypt into Gaza today. These trucks carry food and medicine, as well as fue- — fuel and cooking gas. The fuel will be used not only to power the trucks delivering these lifesaving supplies but for desalinization, for water wells, for hospitals, and for bakeries.

And hundreds more trucks are getting in position as well, ready to enter Gaza over the coming days to support the innocent Palestinians who are suffering greatly because of this war that Hamas has unleashed. Hamas doesn’t give a damn about them.

We also look to the future. As we look to the future, we have to end this cycle of violence in the Middle East.

We need to renew our resolve to pursue this two-state solution where Israelis and Palestinians can one day live side by side in a two-state solution with equal measure of freedom and dignity.

Two states for two peoples. And it’s more important now than ever.

Hamas unleashed this terrorist attack because they fear nothing more than Israelis and Palestinians living side by side in peace.

You know, to continue down the path of terror and violence and killing and war is to give Hamas what they seek. And we can’t do that.

So, today, let’s continue to be thankful for all the families who are now and those who will soon be brought together again.

And I want to one — once again thank the Emir of Qatar, President Sisi of Egypt, and Prime Minister Netanyahu for their partnership to make what we’ve done so far possible and for their continued leadership as we all keep working to implement this deal.

And over the coming days, I’ll remain engaged with leaders throughout the Middle East as we all work together to build a better future for the region — a future where this kind of violence is unthinkable; a future where all children in the region — every child — Jewish, Muslim, Christian, Israeli, Palestinian, Arab — grow up knowing only peace. That’s what we do.

We’re waiting now — it’ll be just a matter of — I thought maybe even as soon as by the time I got here. But in the next hour or so, we’ll know what the second wave of releases are. And I’m hopeful that it’s — it’s as — as we anticipate.

So, thank you all for listening. I’ll take a few questions.

Q Mr. President, when will the first American hostages be released, since none were included today?

THE PRESIDENT: We don’t know when that will occur, but we’re going to be — expect it to occur. And we don’t know what the list of all the hostages are and when they’ll be released, but we know the numbers that are going to be released. So, it is my hope and expectation it will be soon.

Q And of the 10 Americans that are unaccounted for, do you know all of their conditions? Are they all alive?

THE PRESIDENT: We don’t know all their conditions.

Q Mr. President, how long do you expect this war is going to take? And have you encouraged Prime Minister Netanyahu to set a timeline — say, by the end of this year?

THE PRESIDENT: I’ve encouraged the Prime Minister to — to focus on trying to reduce the number of casualties while he is attempting to eliminate Hamas, which is a legitimate objective he has. That’s a difficult task, and I don’t know how long it will take.

My expectation and hope is that, as we move forward, the rest of the Arab world and the region is also putting pressure on all sides to slow this down, to bring this to an end as quickly as we can.

Q Mr. President, do you trust Hamas to uphold their end of the deal?

Q Mr. President, what are the chances of this truce could be extended by a few days or more?

THE PRESIDENT: I think the chances are real.

Q Mr. President, there are members of your party who would like to see conditions placed on aid to Israel. What is your view on that? They would like to see, you know, a reduction in the bombing and that sort of thing.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think that’s a — a worthwhile thought, but I don’t think if I started off with that we’d ever gotten to where we are today.

Q Mr. President —

THE PRESIDENT: We have to take this a piece at a time.

Q Mr. President, do you trust Hamas to uphold their end of the deal?

THE PRESIDENT: I don’t trust Hamas to do anything right. I only trust Hamas to respond to pressure.

Q Mr. President, you said you were hoping to get cooperation from Arab leaders. What are you hearing from them when you talk to them? What would you like to see them do?

THE PRESIDENT: I’m hearing a lot, but I’m not going to speak to it right now. There’s an overwhelming desire on the part of the region to — let me back up. I’m — I cannot prove what I’m about to say, but I believe one of the reasons why Hamas struck when they did was they knew that I was working very closely with the Saudis and others in the region to bring peace to the region by having recognition of Israel and Israel’s right to exist.

You may recall when we did the G20 about — a little while ago, I was able to get a resolution — I — a statement passed through there saying we were going to build a railroad from Riyadh all the way through the Middle East into — into Saudi Arabia, Israel, et cetera, and all the way up to Europe. Not the — not the railroad, but it would be an — an underground pipeline and then railroad.

The whole idea is: There’s overwhelming interest — and I think most Arab nations know it — in coordinating with one another to change the dynamic in their region for a longer-term peace. And that is what I’m going to continue to work on.

Thank you all very, very much. I appreciate it.

Q Thank you, Mr. President.

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.

Q Happy Thanksgiving.

THE PRESIDENT: Happy Thanksgiving to you all. I hope you enjoyed it.

2:26 P.M. EST

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/11/24/remarks-by-president-biden-on-the-release-of-hostages-from-gaza/

December 02, 2023
Remarks by Vice President Harris on the Conflict Between Israel and Hamas
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THE VICE PRESIDENT: Today, I had productive meetings with the leaders of the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, and Egypt. And I spoke to the Amir of Qatar to discuss developments in Gaza and to accelerate planning for the day after the fighting.

I will get to those conversations in a moment. But first, let’s take a step back.

On October 7th, Hamas terrorists launched a terrorist attack that killed 1,200 innocent people in Israel, including 35 Americans. It was a brutal and horrific massacre. Babies and Holocaust survivors were killed. Young people who were simply attending a concert were shot dead. Two hundred and forty hostages were taken from their homes.

And over, then, the past eight weeks, President Biden and I have been clear: Israel has a right to defend itself. And we will remain steadfast in that conviction.

We are working with Israel and our partners in the region to secure the release of all the hostages, which includes Americans.

The recent pause in the fighting proved effective. More than 100 hostages were reunited with their families during this time, including two more Americans, and humanitarian aid surged into Gaza.

As I told the families of American hostages when I met with them, we will not waver in our commitment to bring them home.

Let me be also very clear, as I’ve said before: We cannot conflate Hamas with the Palestinian people. Hamas is a brutal terrorist organization. Hamas has vowed to repeat October 7 until Israel is annihilated.

No nation could possibly live with such danger, which is why we support Israel’s legitimate military objectives to eliminate the threat of Hamas.

President Biden and I have also been clear with the Israeli government in public and in private many times: As Israel defends itself, it matters how.

The United States is unequivocal: International humanitarian law must be respected. Too many innocent Palestinians have been killed. Frankly, the scale of civilian suffering and the images and videos coming from Gaza are devastating.

I have spoken with members of the Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim communities of America, including those who have lost loved ones in Gaza and American citizens who were injured and evacuated from Gaza. It is truly heartbreaking.

As Israel pursues its military objectives in Gaza, we believe Israel must do more to protect innocent civilians.

So, we all want this conflict to end as soon as possible. And to ensure Israel’s security and ensure security for the Palestinian people, we must accelerate efforts to build an enduring peace. And that begins with planning for what happens the day after the fighting ends.

Shortly after October 7th, President Biden and I began discussions with our national security team about post-conflict Gaza. We have begun to engage partners in the region and around the world in these conversations, and this has been a key priority over the last eight weeks.

Five principles guide our approach for post-conflict Ga- — Gaza: no forcible displacement, no reoccupation, no siege or blockade, no reduction in territory, and no use of Gaza as a platform for terrorism.

We want to see a unified Gaza and West Bank under the Palestinian Authority, and Palestinian voices and aspirations must be at the center of this work.

At a certain point, the intense fighting and the phase of fighting will end and we will begin implementing our plans for the day after. To develop these plans then, we will continue to work with both Israelis and Palestinians.

But there must also be regional consensus and support. To that end, I’ve had a number of in-depth conversations with Arab leaders here in Dubai. Specifically, I proposed three areas of focus:

One, reconstruction. The international community must dedicate significant resources to support short- and long-term recovery in Gaza — for example, rebuilding hospitals and housing, restoring electricity and clean water, and ensuring that bakeries can reopen and be restocked.

Second, security. The Palestinian Authority Security Forces must be strengthened to eventually assume security responsibilities in Gaza. Until then, there must be security arrangements that are acceptable to Israel, the people of Gaza, the Palestinian Authority, and the international partners. And to reiterate — and this is very important — terrorists will not be permitted to continue to threaten Israel.

Third, governance. The Palestinian Authority must be revitalized, driven by the will of the Palestinian people, which will allow them to benefit from the rule of law and a transparent, responsive government.

Eventually, this revitalized PA must have the capacity to govern Gaza, as well as the West Bank. We believe progress on these three areas — reconstruction, security, and governance — will improve the lives and livelihoods of the Palestinian people.

Further, we have been clear, the Palestinians have a right to dignity and self-determination. And Israelis and Palestinians must enjoy equal measures of prosperity and freedom. They also deserve — all deserve a sense of safety and security. And a two-state solution, then, remains the best path, we believe, toward a durable peace. The President and I are committed to that goal.

In conclusion, when this conflict ends, Hamas cannot control Gaza, and Israel must be secure. Palestinians need a hopeful political horizon, economic opportunity, and freedom. And the region, more broadly, must be integrated and prosperous. And we must — we must work toward that vision.

So, with that, I’ll take your questions.

AIDE: Priscilla.

Q Madam Vice President, how did Qatar describe the state of hostage negotiations during your call today? And did they provide any reassurance of a truce in the next few days for the release of additional hostages?

THE VICE PRESIDENT: So, I’m not going to reveal the details of the conversation, but I did speak with the Amir. And the work and their commitment to this work is ongoing, as is ours. And our work is ongoing to support some ability to re-open the pause and to have a deal going forward where there will be a pause so that we can get hostages out and get aid in.

AIDE: Nandita.

Q Thank you for doing this.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Of course.

Q You laid out your conversations with the regional leaders. You laid out your — the expectations that you put forward. What specifically, in terms of commitments, were you able to get from them when it comes to post-conflict planning for Gaza?

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Well, let me just say that the conversations that we had were very productive. And there is, I believe, a mutual desire to figure out how we are going to approach and think about the day after in a way that brings stabal- — stability and peace to this region and reinforces, as I said earlier, Israel’s security, the sense of security and safety for both the Palestinians and Israelis, doing what is necessary to ensure there are equal measures of prosperity and freedom and security for the Palestinian people and for Israel.

Q To that point, Israel has suggested building a buffer in Gaza, and they’ve been having some conversations about that today and for the past few days. What is the U.S. position on it?

And one more, if I may. You mentioned, you know, sort of bolstering the Palestinian Authority so that they can, you know, rule both the — both Gaza and the West Bank. What, according to you, should happen to get the Palestinian Authority to that point where they can govern both Gaza and the West Bank?

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Well, as I said, we have to revitalize the Palestinian Authority, which means giving the support that is necessary for good governance, understanding that on the issues that must be resolved, as we think of a plan for the day after, it is about good governance, which will bring transparency and accountability to the people of Gaza and the West Bank.

It’s also about what we need to do to recognize there must be some plan for security for the region. And I suspect as a — as a plan develops, it will take into account interim and then longer term.

And finally, what we must do in terms of rebuilding Gaza and a commitment to that.

AIDE: Deepa.

Q And thoughts on the buffer zone?

AIDE: Hold on. Deepa.

Q The buffer zone. You didn’t answer her question on that.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: What is the question exactly?

Q Israel has been suggesting a buffer zone in Gaza, Madam Vice President. What is the U.S. view on that?

THE VICE PRESIDENT: We have not weighed in on that.

Q Thanks, Madam Vice President. I wanted to ask: What evidence do you have that Israel won’t just be receptive to conversations and asks the U.S. has made in terms of protecting civilian life, minimizing harm to civilian life in Gaza — not just receptive to those asks but actually following through and really acting on them. Do you have any evidence that Israel will listen?

THE VICE PRESIDENT: I do believe that they have listened, and I can assure you: From the beginning, the President has been very direct and clear about our perspective, for example, that humanitarian laws, the rules of war must be followed, which includes what must happen in terms of giving humanitarian aid, no intentional targeting of civilians.

And we have been very clear also that, one, Israel has a right to defend itself, but we also must take into account that far too many Palestinian civilians — innocent people — have been killed and Israel must do more to protect innocent civilians.

Q To that point, in the first day after this temporary truce had — had ended, Israel killed 200 Palestinians, according to the Gaza Health Ministry. Is that minimizing harm to civilian life? Is that acceptable?

THE VICE PRESIDENT: I don’t have the details to tell you exactly who was killed. And — but I will say this, we have been very clear about where we stand on this, which is innocent civilian lives should not be intentionally targeted and that Israel must do more to protect innocent life in Gaza and innocent civilians in Gaza.

And we’ve been very clear about that. And we continue to make that point, not only privately but publicly as well, as you see.

AIDE: Thank you, guys.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Okay, thank you.

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/12/02/remarks-by-vice-president-harris-on-the-conflict-between-israel-and-hamas/
 



South Lawn

(December 5, 2023)

Q Mr. President, would you be running if Trump wasn’t running? Would you be running for president if Trump wasn’t running?

THE PRESIDENT: I — I expect so. But, look, he is running, and I just — I have to run.

Q Would you drop out if Trump runs out?

THE PRESIDENT: No, not now.

Q What’s the latest on the American hostages in Gaza?

THE PRESIDENT: We’re pushing hard. We’re talking to the Qataris. I don’t know where it’s going to go, but we’re not giving up.

Q Does Hamas have all eight of them, or are other groups holding them too?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, there’s others. But we — look, I’m not going to talk more about it. But we’re not — we’re not walking away.

Q Have you spoken to anyone on the Hill about Ukraine funding?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, a couple. And look, the failure to — the failure to support Ukraine is just absolutely crazy. It’s against U.S. interests. It’s against the interests of the — of the world. It’s just wrong. And we’re — we’re going to get that — we’re going to get that aid. We’re going to get it.

So, anyways, thank you all for waiting. Appreciate it.

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/12/06/remarks-by-president-biden-after-marine-one-arrival-20/

February 12, 2024
Remarks by President Biden and His Majesty King Abdullah II of Jordan After a Meeting
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Cross Hall

4:22 P.M. EST

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Good afternoon. Let me start by welcoming His Majesty, the King of Jordan. He’s been a good friend. Abdullah, welcome back to the White House, man. Welcome back. And, by the way, Barack is looking at you in the corner over there.

And along with Qree- — Queen Riana [Rania], who is meeting with Jill now, and the Queen — and the Crown Prince Hussein. Where — is the Prince out here? I thought he was coming out. Any rate.

We’ve known each other for many years. And His Majesty has been a good friend all those years, a steadfast partner alongside the Queen, and a beloved leader to their people. The partnership between the United States and our ally Jordan is strong and it is enduring.

Today, the King and I discussed with our senior foreign policy staffs what — the issue that’s front and center in the Middle East and well beyond: the war between Israel and the terrorist organization Hamas. Over four months ago, on October the 7th, Hamas attacked Israel in an act of sheer evil, massacring more than 1,200 innocent women, men, and children — the deadliest day for the Jewish people since the Holocaust.

More than 250 hostages were taken. A hundred and thirty-four are still being held hostage by Hamas. We don’t know how many are still alive. The anguish that their families are enduring week after week, month after month is unimaginable. And it’s a top priority for the United States to bring them home.

I’ve made clear the United States shares the goal of seeing Hamas defeated and ensuring long-term security for Israel and its people.

After the October 7th attacks, Hamas retreated back into Gaza, where its leaders live in underground tunnels, stretching for over 100 miles beneath civilian infrastructure, including — including schools, playgrounds, and neighborhoods.

The past four months, as the war has raged, the Palestinian people have also suffered unimaginable pain and loss. Too many — too many of the over 27,000 Palestinians killed in this conflict have been innocent civilians and children, including thousands of children. And hundreds of thousands have no access to food, water, or other basic services.

Many families have lost not just one but many relatives and cannot mourn for them or even bury them because it’s not safe to do so. It’s heart-breaking.

Every innocent life [lost] in Gaza is a tragedy, just as every innocent life lost in Israel is a tragedy as well. We pray for those lives taken — both Israeli and Palestinian — and for the grieving families left behind.

Not only do we pray for peace, we are actively working for peace, security, and dignity for both the Palestinian people and the Israeli people. And I’m working on this day and night with the King and others in the region to find the means to bring all these hostages home, to ease the humanitarian crisis, and to end the terror threat and to bring peace to Gaza and Israel — an enduring peace with a two-state solution for two peoples.

As the King and I discussed today, the United States is working on a hostage deal between Israel and Hamas, which would bring immediate and sustained period of calm into Gaza for at least six weeks, which we could then take the time to build something more enduring.

Over the past month, I’ve had calls with Prime Minister Netanyahu, as well as the leaders of Egypt and Qatar, to push this forward. The key element of the deals are on the table. There are gaps that remain, but I’ve encouraged Israeli leaders
to keep working to achieve the deal. The United States will do everything possible to make it happen.

The King and I also discussed the situation in Rafah. As I said yesterday, our military operation in Rafah — their — the major military operation in Rafah should not proceed without a credible plan — a credible plan for ensuring the safety and support of more than one million people sheltering there. Many people there have been displaced — displaced multiple times, fleeing the violence to the north, and now they’re packed into Rafah — exposed and vulnerable. They need to be protected.

And we have also been clear from the start: We oppose any forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza.

Today, the King and I also discussed in detail how to get more humanitarian aid into Gaza. From the very beginning, my team and I have relentlessly worked to get more aid in. I urged Congress for months to make sure that our nation’s support for Israel and — also includes urgently needed aid for Palestinians. And I’ve spoken repeatedly with partners across the region, including the King, to help facilitate the flow of such aid into Gaza as much as possible and that will actually get to the people that there — that are — need it.

We worked to get the Rafah Crossing open. We worked to get Kerem Shalom open. And we insist that we remain — it remain open — both remain open. We’re working to open other routes as well. And we’re also working relentlessly to make sure aid workers can get the aid where it’s needed once it gets through.

I want to recognize Jordan and the King specifically for all he has done to provide humanitarian aid to Gaza, including just a few days ago. He personally got in a plane and helped conduct an air drop of urgently needed medical supplies into Gaza.

I understand that two of his children have also joined those air drops. They helped fly humanitarian supplies in. And for years, the Queen has been passionate — a passionate advocate for the Palestinian people, particularly women and children. Your family’s leadership, Your Majesty, and humanitarian commitment are commendable.

And at the same time, we’re working to create the conditions for a lasting peace, as we talked a lot about upstairs, with the Israeli security guaranteed and Palestinian aspirations for their own state fulfilled. I say this as a long — lifelong supporter of Israel. That’s the only path that guarantees Israel’s security for the long term. To achieve it, the Palestinians must also seize the opportunity.

As I discussed with the King today, the Palestinian Authority must re- — urgently reform so it can effectively deliver for the Palestinian people in both the West Bank and Gaza. Once Hamas’s control of Gaza is over, they must prepare to build a state that accepts peace, does not harbor terrorist groups like Hamas and Islamic Jihad.

And together, we will keep working to complete what has — what we started: to integrate the region, to bring about peace between Israel and all its Arab neighbors, including a Palestinian state. That effort was already underway before the October 7th attacks. It’s even more urgent today.

No one — no one understands better than our allies and partners in the region, including the King, what we need. I’m grateful to him for his friendship, including his and Jordan’s unique role — unique role: custodian of the holy sites in Jerusalem.

We’re grateful for this friendship. We saw that again just two weeks ago when three brave American servicemembers were killed in an attack at a military outpost in Jordan, close to the Syrian border, by radical militant groups backed by Iran, operating in Syria and Iraq. Since then, U.S. military forces have struck targets in Iraq and Syria, and our response will continue.

We’re grateful for our partners and allies like the King who work with us every single day to advance security and stability across the region and beyond. It’s difficult times like these when the bonds between nations are more important than ever.

And Jill and I are pleased to welcome him and the Queen and the Crown Prince to the White House today.

Your Majesty, over to you.

KING ABDULLAH II: Thank you, sir.

(President Biden moves from one side of the podium to the other.)

Mr. —

PRESIDENT BIDEN: I switched sides on you.

KING ABDULLAH II: Sorry.

Mr. President, thank you for your gracious hospitality accorded to me and my delegation today.

My visit today carries an added meaning as our countries this year mark 75 years of exemplary strategic partnership. However, we had hoped we would be marking this major milestone during better circumstances in my region and the world.

Unfortunately, one of the most devastating wars in recent history continues to unfold in Gaza as we speak. Nearly 100,000 people have been killed, injured, or are missing. The majority are women and children.

We cannot afford an Israeli attack on Rafah. It is certain to produce another humanitarian catastrophe. The situation is already unbearable for over a million people who have been pushed into Rafah since the war started.

We cannot stand by and let this continue. We need a lasting ceasefire now. This war must end. We must urgently and immediately work to ensure the sustainable delivery of sufficient aid to Gaza through all possible entry points and mechanisms. And I thank you, Mr. President, for your support on this.

Restrictions on vital relief aid and medical items are leading to inhumane conditions. No other U.N. agency can do what UNRWA is doing in helping the people of Gaza through this humanitarian catastrophe.

Its work in other areas of operation — especially in Jordan, where 2.3 million are registered — is also vital. It is imperative that UNRWA continues to receive the support it needs to carry out its mandate.

The potential threat of Palestinian displacement beyond the borders of Gaza and the West Bank is something we view with extreme concern and cannot be allowed.

At the same time, we must ignore — we must not ignore the situation in the West Bank and in the holy sites in Jerusalem.

Nearly 400 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank since October 7th, including almost 100 children, and over 4,000 injured.

Continued escalations by extremist settlers in the West Bank and Jerusalem’s holy sites and the expansion of illegal settlements will unleash chaos on the entire region.

The vast majority of Muslim worshippers are not being allowed to enter Al-Aqsa Mosque. Christian churches have also voiced concerns about increasing and unprecedented restrictions and threats.

It is also important to stress that the separation of the West Bank and Gaza cannot be accepted.

Seven decades of occupation, death, and destruction have proven beyond any doubt that there can be no peace without a political horizon.

Military and security solutions are not the answer. They can never bring peace. Civilians on both sides continue to pay for this protracted conflict with their lives.

All attacks against innocent civilians — women and children — including those of October 7th, cannot be accepted by any Muslim, as I have previously stressed.

We must make sure the horrors of the past few months since October 7th are never repeated nor accepted by any human being.

We must together, along with Arab partners and the international community, step up efforts to reach a ceasefire in Gaza and immediately start working to create a political horizon that leads to a just and comprehensive peace on the basis of the two-state solution — an independent, sovereign, and viable Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital but living side by side with Israel in peace and security. This is the only solution that will guarantee peace and security for the Palestinians and the Israelis, as well as the entire region.

Your leadership, my dear friend, Mr. President, is key to addressing this conflict. And Jordan is ready to work, as always, with you towards peace.

Thank you.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Thank you.

4:36 P.M. EST

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/02/12/remarks-by-president-biden-and-his-majesty-king-abdullah-ii-of-jordan-after-a-meeting/

February 27, 2024
Remarks by President Biden Before a Meeting with Congressional Leaders
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11:43 A.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: All right. Well, thank you all for being here.

Look, I want to thank the leaders for being here today. We got a lot of work to do. We got to figure out how we’re going to keep funding the government, which is an important problem, an important solution we need to find. And I think we can do that.

And — and Ukraine — I think the need is urgent. I hope we get to speak to that a little bit. And I think the consequence of inaction every day in Ukraine are dire. I’ve been speaking to some of our — our G7 partners. And you just got back, Chuck.

LEADER SCHUMER: I did. I did. Yeah.

THE PRESIDENT: They’re very concerned.

And — and also, we need to — we — we need to — in terms of the supplemental, we need to deal with the Israeli portion. But that also contains a significant portion having to do with humanitarian assistance into the Palestinian area, which I think is important.

And we have to replenish the air defenses for Israel, and we have to work on making sure they don’t face the threat from — they can face the threat from the — from what’s going on in the Middle East, not just from Hamas but from Iran.

And so — and government funding, I’m sure you guys had all — that all taken care of. But all kidding aside, I think that it’s Congress’s responsibility to fund the government. We got to get about doing it. A shutdown would damage the economy significantly, and I think we all agree to that. And we need bipartisan solutions.

So, I want to hear from the group. And I want to hear from all of you here. So, thank you all for coming. And that’s what we’re going to be talking about. Thank you.

(Cross-talk.)

We’ll get a chance to talk afterwards.

11:45 A.M. EST

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/02/27/remarks-by-president-biden-before-a-meeting-with-congressional-leaders/

March 05, 2024
Remarks by President Biden Before Boarding Air Force One | Hagerstown, MD
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Hagerstown Regional Airport
Hagerstown, Maryland

Q Mr. President, how close are we to the ceasefire?

THE PRESIDENT: It’s in the hands of Hamas right now. The — the Israelis have been cooperating. There’s an offer out there that’s rational. We don’t know what we’re — we’ll know in a couple days if it’s going to happen. But we need the ceasefire.

Q How close are we —

Q (Inaudible) to the hostage deal?

THE PRESIDENT: I was just saying that. The hostage deal is in the hands of Hamas right now —

Q Okay.

THE PRESIDENT: — because there’s been an offer — a rational offer. The Israelis have agreed to it and — waiting to see what the — Hamas does.

Q Do you think there will be a deal by Ramadan?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I — there’s got to be a ceasefire because Ramadan — if we get into a circumstance where this continues through Ramadan, Israel and Jerusalem (inaudible) — it could be very, very dangerous. So, we’re looking — we’re trying hard for that ceasefire.

Q Mr. President, what’s your message to Democrats who are concerned about your poll numbers?

THE PRESIDENT: My poll numbers — the last five polls, you guys don’t report, I’m winning. Five — five in a row. You guys only look at the New York Times. They’re a great paper.

Q Can you get the Israelis to allow more aid into Gaza?

THE PRESIDENT: Pardon me?

Q The Israelis, can you — are you pressuring them to get more aid into Gaza?

THE PRESIDENT: I’m working with them very hard. We’re going to get more — we must get more aid into Gaza. There’s no excuses. None.

Q And how is your relationship Netanyahu these days?

THE PRESIDENT: Like it’s always been.

Q Sir?

THE PRESIDENT: Like it’s always been.

Q Mr. President, what are you preparing for your State of the Union Address?

THE PRESIDENT: You’ll hear me on Thursday. (Laughs.)

All right. Thank you all so very much.

END

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/03/05/remarks-by-president-biden-before-boarding-air-force-one-hagerstown-md/
 

March 01, 2024
Remarks by President Biden Before Marine One Departure
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South Lawn

5:59 P.M. EST

Q Mr. President, when do airdrops in Gaza start?

Q Do you think there will be a ceasefire deal by Ramadan?

THE PRESIDENT: I’m hoping so. We’re still working real hard at it. We’re not there yet.

Q What is — what is the biggest hold-up right now?

THE PRESIDENT: I’m not going to tell you that because that would get involved in the negotiations.

Q Mr. President, is it time to — is it time to have talks on Ukraine — to speak to President Putin about Ukraine to maybe get the peace talks? Is it a good time —

THE PRESIDENT: Speak to Putin?

Q Yeah.

THE PRESIDENT: About Ukraine?

Q Why are you waiting to take executive action on the border?

THE PRESIDENT: Because we need more forces on the border. I don’t have the authority to do that.

(Cross-talk.)

Q Do you trust Israel to investigate what happened yesterday? Do you trust — do you trust Israel will investigate what happened yesterday?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

Q When will — when can we expect the first airdrops into Gaza?

THE PRESIDENT: I’m not positive. I think very soon.

Q Will you be seeing Benny Gantz this weekend, sir?

THE PRESIDENT: No.

Q Are you still confident you can get a ceasefire by Monday?

THE PRESIDENT: No, I was just saying: It looks like we’re still — it’s not there yet. I think — I think we’ll get there, but it’s not there yet. And I’m not — and it may not get there now.

Q Will you speak to Netanyahu about yesterday’s attack? Will you speak to Netanyahu about yesterday’s attack?

THE PRESIDENT: I will speak to yesterday’s attack.

Q Speaker — Speaker Johnson has accused you of lying repeatedly about your interactions with your son and brother’s business partners. What’s your re- — response to him?

THE PRESIDENT: Tell him to read the record of every single witness. These guys got to stop this stuff.

Q But you did interact with their partners.

THE PRESIDENT: I did not interact with their partners.

Q You didn’t have dinner or lunch and coffee?

THE PRESIDENT: No.

Q Mr. President, so, you think there may never be a ceasefire negotiation?

THE PRESIDENT: I’m still hoping for it. You know, it’s not over until it’s over.

Q What still needs to happen (inaudible)? What still needs to happen in negotiations?

THE PRESIDENT: What has — there has to be an agreement on the timing. And they’re still far apart.

Thank you.

6:01 P.M. EST

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/03/01/remarks-by-president-biden-before-marine-one-departure-46/

March 01, 2024
Remarks by President Biden and Prime Minister Meloni of the Italian Republic
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Oval Office

2:01 P.M. EST

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, Prime Minister Meloni, thank you for being here again. And I have to admit to you, as she walked in the door — we’re good friends — and I played Ray Charles’s “Georgia” as she walked in the door. Now, most of you don’t know Ray Charles’s “Georgia,” but anyway.

Look, Italy and the United States are strong allies and really close friends. And as you said when we first met here in the Oval, Giorgia, that we have each other’s backs. And we do. And you’ve demonstrated that from the moment you took office.

And we also have Ukraine’s back. That’s why I’m urging the House of Representatives to pass the legislation that allows us to, in a bipartisan way, continue to support Ukraine now. They need the security bill now. And the bill includes funding for Ukraine so we can help keep Putin from — his onslaught from succeeding in Ukraine.

And I want to thank you, Giorgia, for Italy’s unwavering support for Ukraine and your leadership at the G7 this year.

Today, also, we’re going to discuss the Middle East and yesterday’s tragic and alarming event in North Gaza trying to get humanitarian assistance in there. And the loss of life is heartbreaking. People are so desperate that innocent people got caught in terrible war, unable to feed their families. And you saw the response when they tried to get aid in.

And we need to do more, and the United States will do more. In the coming days, we’re going to join with our friends in Jordan and others in providing airdrops of — of additional food and supplies into Ukraine [Gaza] and seek to continue to open up other avenues into Ukraine [Gaza], including the possibility of a marine corridor to deliver large amounts of humanitarian assistance.

In addition to expanding deliveries by land, as I said, we’re going to — we’re going to insist that Israel facilitate more trucks and more routes to get more and more people the — the help they need. No excuses. Because the truth is: Aid flowing to Gaza is nowhere nearly enough now. It’s nowhere nearly enough.

Innocent lives are on the line and children’s lives are on the line, and we won’t stand by and let — until they — until we get more aid in there. We — we should be getting hundreds of trucks in, not just several.

And I won’t stand by, we won’t let up, and we’re not going to pull out — trying to pull out every stop we can to get more assistance in.

So, and here’s the deal. We’ve been working, and hopefully we’ll know shortly. And I know you’ve been informed: We’re trying to work out a deal between Israel and Hamas on the hostages being returned and — and immediate ceasefire in Gaza for at least the next six weeks and — and to allow the surge of aid through the entire Gaza Strip — not just the south but the entire Gaza Strip.

And so, Giorgia, we have a lot to discuss today. Not — and then we’ll talk about everything from China on. But I’m happy you’re here and delighted to — that you came back. I know you’re on your way to Canada, right?

PRIME MINISTER MELONI: Yeah.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Good. Well, the floor is yours, Madam.

PRIME MINISTER MELONI: Well, I’m delighted to be here today in my capacity as the G7 chair, and I look forward, Joe, to hosting you in Puglia next June for the Leaders’ Summit. I’m working on a concrete and substantial G7 Summit.

We intend, first and foremost, to reaffirm the rules-based international order, defending freedom and building peace for Ukraine. And in doing this, I think we need to tackle the narrative that wants the West against the rest.

So, the dialogue — our dialogue within the G7, within the Global South is essential.

The crisis in Middle East is of the utmost concern. We need to coordinate our actions in order to avoid an escalation. And in this regard, we do fully support the U.S. mediation efforts.

The humanitarian crisis is our number one — number one priority. Italy is concentrating its contribution on these. Meanwhile, we are cooperating with all regional actors that must be part of any future outcome.

We should work together on concrete steps to guarantee the two-state perspective, which is the only long-term, sustainable solution.

And then the Houthis’ attack on commercial vessels that endanger freedom of navigation in the Red Sea are unacceptable. EU naval operation Aspides, this — as you know, is under Italian tactical command, is an important response to the disruption of transit through the Red Sea.

Then, building on Italy’s role in the Mediterranean, the G7 will pay special attention also to the African continent. We’ve been discussing it for — many times. But I think we have to remember that Africa is not a poor continent; it is, on the contrary, incredibly rich in human and material resources. But it has been neglectic [sic] and — neglected and exploited with a predatory approach for a long time. And I want to reverse this approach, together with you, which is also a root cause of the migration crisis.

We need to support Africa’s development on an equal basis and put an end to illegal migration while fighting human trafficking. Human trafficking has become the most financially rewarding crime globally, and we cannot accept it no — any longer.

For this reason, I came here today also with a proposal to launch a global alliance against human traffickers.

The G7 will discuss artificial intelligence as well. AI is a means. It can be a good or a bad one; it depends on our capacity to govern it, to tackle the risks and the impact it can — the impact it can have, for example, on the labor market.

We want to develop AI, but, also, we want to be certain that it remains human-centered.

And then, last but not least, I came here to boost our strategic cooperation. And our relations are enriched by the presence of more than 20 million Italian Americans.

During our last meeting here in Washington, we said we wanted to improve our bilateral cooperation and our trade, and we did it. For in 2023, our bilateral trade reached the highest amount ever with 1- — $102 billion of exchange.

So, I think we did a good job, but I also think that we can do even better. And I hope this will be our mutual goal for this year.

Thank you, Joe.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, it is. And I — I tried to help; I married an Italian American.

PRIME MINISTER MELONI: (Laughs.)

PRESIDENT BIDEN: So, thank you all very much.

2:11 P.M. EST

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/03/01/remarks-by-president-biden-and-prime-minister-meloni-of-the-italian-republic/

March 12, 2024
Remarks by President Biden After Air Force One Arrival | Joint Base Andrews, MD
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(March 11, 2024)

Q Have you scheduled your “come to Jesus” meeting with Bibi Netanyahu?

THE PRESIDENT: No.

Q Do you plan to, sir?

THE PRESIDENT: We’ll see- what happens.

Q Mr. President, when is a border executive action coming? An executive action on the border?

THE PRESIDENT: I’m counting on the border action happening by itself, the — passing it.

Q But Congress can’t come to an agreement.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, they haven’t —

Q How can —

THE PRESIDENT: — yet.

Q — you help them?

THE PRESIDENT: They haven’t yet.

Q Mr. President —

THE PRESIDENT: I’m — I’m helping them.

Q Mr. President, do you plan to address the Israeli parliament?

THE PRESIDENT: No, not at this moment.

Q Would you do it remotely, or do you have something in the works?

THE PRESIDENT: Anything else?

Q On Poland, Mr. President. Would you support increasing U.S. troops at the Polish border?

THE PRESIDENT: There — there’s no need for more troops at the Pol- — there’s no need for more troops at the Polish border.

Q Do you know what you mi- —

THE PRESIDENT: But I’m meeting — I’m meeting with the Prime Mini- — I’m meeting with the Polish leader tomor- —

Is it tomorrow?

Q Do you know what you might talk about with him tomorrow?

THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, but I’ll talk to him about it. Okay?

Thank you.

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/03/12/remarks-by-president-biden-after-air-force-one-arrival-joint-base-andrews-md/

March 15, 2024
Remarks by President Biden and Taoiseach Leo Varadkar of Ireland Before Bilateral Meeting
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10:52 A.M. EDT

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, Taoiseach, welcome back to the Oval Office. It’s good to have you back. And — and I want to thank you again for the reception I had last — when I was last in Ireland. As a matter of fact, my family wasn’t sure we wanted to come home. It was so nice.

Look, it’s great to see you again, a great chance to return some of the hospitality that you provided me when I was in Ireland last. And I know there are all kinds of Irish — old Irish sayings, but my Grandfather Finnegan used to say, “May the hinge of our friendship never go rusty.” He had all these sayings, you know. The Irish in America sometimes think they’re more Irish than the Irish.

But — and I don’t think we’re going to let it go rusty. We’re vital to each other’s economies. We’re good friends. And we’re — and today celebrates 100 years —

T
AOISEACH VARADKAR: That’s right.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: — 100 years of diplomatic relations between Ireland and America. And as far as that friendship goes, it keeps increasing and not diminishing, and I would argue it’s stronger than ever.

Together, we’re deepening our economic partnership. There are 300,000 — helped create 300,000 jobs across both our nations.

And we’re working together to increase humanitarian assistance in Gaza. And we both know that a whole lot more has to be done.

And we’re standing together to support Ukraine in the face of Putin’s onslaught, the savagery with which he’s attacking Ukrainians. And I want to thank you, Leo, for Ireland’s unwavering assistance to Ukraine, including millions of vital humanitarian aid that you provide — millions of dollars.

And I’m urging our Congress to do its part to get back in the game of — we were able to find another $300 million, but we — we have a $6 billion package — a $60 billion package. And we’re really working — so, when we’re up in the Hill, I’d ask you to lobby them for me.

TAOISEACH VARADKAR: I will.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: That was a joke, guys. (Laughter.) That was a joke.

But I’m urging them to — Congress to pass the bipartisan legislation now that includes a significant amount of humanitarian aid, including to Ukraine and Gaza.

And as I said in Belfast last year, we remain committed to protecting the peace and progress in Northern Ireland since the Belfast Good Friday Agreement. And like you, I’m glad to see Northern Ireland’s Executive and Assembly are up and running. And I think that’s, from my perspective, a very positive step forward.

So, Leo, thank you, again, for being here. And as we begin the next century of our partnership and friendship, I’ve never been more optimistic because, you know, united by history, heritage, and hope, I think there’s not a damn thing we can’t do together. So, welcome.

TAOISEACH VARADKAR: Thank you. Thank you so much.

Well, thank you very much, Mr. President. And thanks for giving us so much time over these next few days. And very keen to talk about four — four main things while — while we’re together.

Since we last met, back in New York briefly in September at the U.N., and since your visits to Ireland last year, it’s really good to see the institutions in Northern Ireland up and running. It just makes such a difference to have the Good Friday Agreement properly functioning.

S
o, the — as you know, the Deputy First Minister and First Minister are here. The Executive and Assembly are operating. We’ll have our North South Ministerial Council meeting next month and the British-Irish Council in June. So, really good to see the promise of that agreement — that Good Friday Agreement being fulfilled again, which is such — such a positive change since the last time we met.

As you mentioned, we’ve — celebrating 100 years of diplomatic relations. The U.S is one of the first countries to recognize Irish independence. And it’s become such a strong relationship since then.

I’m very keen to talk about that a bit more, and also the strength of our economic relationship now, which increasingly goes — goes both ways. There’s now 100,000 Americans working in firms that are Irish-owned here in — here in the U.S. And we’re one of the top 10 investors in the U.S. now. So, great to be able to repay some of that interest.

Obviously, keen to talk about the situation in — in Gaza as well. You know, my — my view that we need to have a ceasefire as soon as possible to get food and medicine in —

PRESIDENT BIDEN: And I agree.

TAOISEACH VARADKAR: — to get the hostages out. And we need to talk about how we can make that happen and move towards a two-state solution, which I think is the only — the only way we’ll have lasting peace and security.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: I agree.

TAOISEACH VARADKAR: And then, on Ukraine — just really want to thank you and America for your leadership on Ukraine. We’re very worried about the situation there. And we don’t think that if Putin is successful in Ukraine he’ll stop there. And we really need your continued support and leadership on Ukraine and look forward to speaking to the congressional leaders about that as well later on.

And we’ll have a European Council meeting next week of the — of the 27 EU prime ministers, so they’re going to be very keen to know what — what I — what I learned here in Washington.

And that’s a — that’s a fight we’ve got to win.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, you can tell them that the President of the United States is strongly committed to making sure we provide that aid.

Well, thank you very much. We’ll get a chance to bring in our delegations.

And thank you all for being here, folks.

Q Do you have any comment, sir, on Senator Schumer’s speech on Israel yesterday?

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Senator Schumer contacted my staff — my senior staff — he was going to make that speech. And he — I’m not going to exa- — elaborate on the speech. He made a good speech, and I think he expressed a serious concern shared not only by him but by many Americans.

Q Mr. President, can there be a ceasefire before the end of Ramadan? Mr. President, can there be a ceasefire before the end of Ramadan?

(Cross-talk.)

PRESIDENT BIDEN: (Inaudible.)

(Cross-talk.)

Q Will you go back to Ireland?

THE PRESIDENT: I always want to — I always want to go back to Ireland.

10:59 A.M. EDT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/03/15/remarks-by-president-biden-and-taoiseach-leo-varadkar-of-ireland-before-bilateral-meeting-2/

April 05, 2024
Remarks by President Biden Before Marine One Departure
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12:52 P.M. EDT

Q Your reaction to the earthquake, sir — the New York City earthquake? Can you talk about it briefly? Your reaction, sir, to the New York —

THE PRESIDENT: With regard — with re- —

Q Did you threaten to stop military —

THE PRESIDENT: With regard —

Q — aid to Israel?

THE PRESIDENT: With regard to the earthquake, I spoke to the governor. He thinks everything is under control. He’s not too concerned about it — the governor of New Jersey — so things are all right.

Thank you.

(Cross-talk.)

Q Did you threaten to stop military aid to Israel, Mr. President?

THE PRESIDENT: Pardon me?

Q Did you threaten to stop military aid to Israel?

THE PRESIDENT: I asked them to do what they’re doing.

(Cross-talk.)

Q Are you abandoning Israel?

THE PRESIDENT: Where you from, man?

Q Are you abandoning Israel?

THE PRESIDENT: Is that a serious question?

12:53 P.M. EDT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/04/05/remarks-by-president-biden-before-marine-one-departure-47/

April 15, 2024
Remarks by President Biden and Prime Minister Mohammed Shyaa al-Sudani of the Republic of Iraq Before Bilateral Meeting
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12:19 P.M. EDT

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, Mr. Prime Minister, welcome. Welcome to the White House. Welcome to the Oval Office.

The — before I begin, I want to discuss some of the events that took place in the Middle East the past weekend.

As you know, Iran launched an unprecedented aerial attack against Israel, and we mounted an unprecedented military effort to defend Israel. Together with our partners, we defeated that attack.

The United States is committed to Israel’s security. We’re committed to a ceasefire that will bring the hostages home and prevent any conflict from spreading beyond what it already has.

We’re also committed to the security of our personnel and partners in the region, including Iraq. The partnership between Iraq and the United States is critical. We’ve seen over the last decade as our troops have served side by side to help defeat ISIS, and we’ve seen this in our Strategic Framework Agreement as well.

And I want to personally thank you, Mr. Prime Minister, for your focus on strengthening Iraq’s economy and energy independence. That’s a goal we share today with you, and we’re going to discuss that later today.

Mr. Prime Minister, thank you again for being here. Thank you for making the effort to be here.

Simply put, our partnership is pivotal for our nations, for the Middle East, and, I believe, for the world.

Again, welcome, and the floor is yours.

PRIME MINISTER AL-SUDANI: (As interpreted.) Thank you, Mr. President, in the name of God. Thank you, Mr. President, for this invitation that comes at a sensitive time. Despite your domestic engagement in the light of the developments on the international stage, this shows the importance of this visit and meeting.

This visit and meeting are significant in the history of the bilateral relations between our two countries. The relationship between Iraq and the United States is at an important juncture.

We aim to discuss the sustainable foundations for a 360-degree strategic partnership, ensuring a smooth and systematic transition from a military security-based relationship to a comprehensive economic, political, environmental, educational, and security partnership according to the Strategic Framework Agreement.

The war against ISIS/Daesh formed the foundation of our relations over the course of the past decade. Mr. President, we have fought together and we have achieved victory together. And we have achieved a remarkable victory thanks to the sacrifices of the Iraqi people and the unity of all the components and the support of the international community and the global coalition.

Iraq today is recovering, witnessing service projects, infrastructure repairs. And we are going to discuss today our sustainable partnership according to the Strategic Framework.

We have laid down the transition methodology, according to the HMC military committee. The HMC — that is tasked to assess the level of a threat operation on environmental requirements and the capability of the ISF, Iraqi Security Forces. And we will be committed to the outcomes of this committee.

And we also have a Joint Security Cooperation Dialogue that will lay the foundation for a sustainable bilateral relationship between the two partners in the security and military fields.

Most importantly, the HCC, the High Coordination Committee, is actually — have met today — today and discussed many things. My government is very serious about activating the

Strategic Framework Agreement. There are many benefits that are going — coming out of this for the two friendly countries of us.

Mr. President, I came today carrying the concerns of my people, who aspire for services for prosperity. And — but that — that does not mean that we forget about our humanitarian responsibility, about what’s happening in the region.

And in the spirit of partnership, we may — our views may be divergent about what’s happening there in the region, but we agree certainly about the international law, the international humanitarian law, and the responsibility to protect the law of war. And we reject any aggression against the civilians, especially women and children. And we encourage the commitment not to — about respecting international norms and diplomatic relations.

As humanity, we need a system that respect these laws. And we think if we kept silent about what’s happening, that we will establish a precedent that will be followed, whether it is bad or good precedent.

We’re actually very eager about stopping this war, which claimed the life of thousands of civilians — women and children. And we encourage all the efforts about stopping the expansion of the area of conflict, especially the latest development. And we encourage all — for restraints and to protect the safety and security of the region.

Thank you.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Thank you.

12:30 P.M. EDT
https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/04/15/remarks-by-president-biden-and-prime-minister-mohammed-shyaa-al-sudani-of-the-republic-of-iraq-before-bilateral-meeting/
 
  May 07, 2024
Remarks by President Biden at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum’s Annual Days of Remembrance Ceremony
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11:52 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you, thank you, thank you. Please.

Thank you, Stu Eizenstat, for that introduction, for your leadership of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. You’re a true scholar, a statesman, and a — a dear friend.

Speaker Johnson, Leader Jeffries, members of Congress, and, especially, the survivors of the Holocaust. If my mother were here, she would look at you and say, “God love you all. God love you all.”

Abe Foxman and all other survivors who embody absolute courage and dignity and grace are here as well.

During these sacred Days of Remembrance, we grieve. We give voice to the 6 million Jews who were systematically targeted and murdered by the Nazis and their collaborators during World War Two. We honor the memory of victims, the pain of survivors, the bravery of heroes who stood up to Hitler’s unspeakable evil. And we recommit to heading and heeding the lessons that [of] one of the darkest chapters in human history, to revitalize and realize the responsibility of “never again.”

Never again, simply translated for me, means “never forget.” Never forget. Never forgetting means we must keep telling the story. We must keep teaching the truth. We must keep teaching our children and our grandchildren.

And the truth is we are at risk of people not knowing the truth.

That’s why, growing up, my dad taught me and my siblings about the horrors of the Shoah at our family dinner table. That’s why I visited Yad Vashem with my family as a senator, as vice president, and as president. And that’s why I took my grandchildren to Dachau, so they could see and bear witness to the perils of indifference, the complicity of silence in the face of evil that they knew was happening.

Germany, 1933. Hitler and his Nazi party rise to power by rekindling one of the world’s oldest forms of prejudice and hate: antisemitism. His rule didn’t begin with mass murder. It started slowly across economic, political, social, and cultural life: propaganda demonizing Jews; boycotts of Jewish businesses; synagogues defaced with swastikas; harassment of Jews in the street and in the schools; antisemitic demonstrations, pogroms, organized riots.

With the indifference of the world, Hitler knew he could expand his reign of terror by eliminating Jews from Germany, to annihilate Jews across Europe through genocide the Nazi’s called the “Final Solution” — concentration camps, gas chambers, mass shootings.

By the time the war ended, 6 million Jews — one out of every three Jews in the entire world — were murdered.

This ancient hatred of Jews didn’t begin with the Holocaust; it didn’t end with the Holocaust, either, or after — or even after our victory in World War Two. This hatred continues to lie deep in the hearts of too many people in the world, and it requires our continued vigilance and outspokenness.

That hatred was brought to life on October 7th in 2023. On a sacred Jewish holiday, the terrorist group Hamas unleashed the deadliest day of the Jewish people since the Holocaust.

Driven by ancient desire to wipeout the Jewish people off the face of the Earth, over 1,200 innocent people — babies, parents, grandparents — slaughtered in their kibbutz, massacred at a musical festival, brutally raped, mutilated, and sexually assaulted. Thousands more carrying wounds, bullets, and shrapnel from the memory of that terrible day they endured. Hundreds taken hostage, including survivors of the Shoah.

Now, here we are, not 75 years later but just seven and a half months later, and people are already forgetting. They’re already forgetting that Hamas unleashed this terror, that it was Hamas that brutalized Israelis, that it was Hamas who took and continues to hold hostages. I have not forgotten, nor have you, and we will not forget. (Applause.)

And as Jews around the world still cope with the atrocities and trauma of that day and its aftermath, we’ve seen a ferocious surge of antisemitism in America and around the world: vicious propaganda on social media, Jews forced to keep their — hide their kippahs under baseball hats, tuck their Jewish stars into their shirts.

On college campuses, Jewish students blocked, harassed, attacked while walking to class.

Antisemitism — antisemitic posters, slogans calling for the annihilation of Israel, the world’s only Jewish State.

Too many people denying, downplaying, rationalizing, ignoring the horrors of the Holocaust and October 7th, including Hamas’s appalling use of sexual violence to torture and terrorize Jews.

It’s absolutely despicable, and it must stop.

Silence — (applause) — silence and denial can hide much, but it can erase nothing. Some injustices are so heinous, so horrific, so grievous, they cannot be muri- — buried, no matter how hard people try.

In my view, a major lesson of the Holocaust is, as mentioned earlier, it’s not — was not inevitable. We know hate never goes away; it only hides. And given a little oxygen, it comes out from under the rocks.

But we also know what stops hate. One thing: all of us.

The late Rabbi Jonathan Sacks described antisemitism as a virus that has survived and mutated over time. Together, we cannot continue to let that happen.

We have to remember our basic principles as a nation. We have an obligation — we have an obligation to learn the lessons of history so we don’t surrender our future to the horrors of the past. We must give hate no safe harbor against anyone — anyone.

From the very founding — our very founding, Jewish Americans, who represent only about 2 percent of the U.S. population, have helped lead the cause of freedom for everyone in our nation. From that experience, we know scapegoating and demonizing any minority is a threat to every minority and the very foundation of our democracy.

So, in moments like this, we have to put these principles that we’re talking about into action.

I understand people have strong beliefs and deep convictions about the world. In America, we respect and protect the fundamental right to free speech, to debate and disagree, to protest peacefully and make our voices heard.

I understand. That’s America.

But there is no place on any campus in America — any place in America — for antisemitism or hate speech or threats of violence of any kind — (applause) — whether against Jews or anyone else.

Violent attacks, destroying property is not peaceful protest. It’s against the law. And we are not a lawless country. We’re a civil society. We uphold the rule of law.

And no one should have to hide or be brave just to be themselves. (Applause.)

To the Jewish community, I want you to know I see your fear, your hurt, and your pain.

Let me reassure you, as your President, you are not alone. You belong. You always have, and you always will.

And my commitment to the safety of the Jewish people, the security of Israel, and its right to exist as an independent Jewish state is ironclad, even when we disagree. (Applause.)

My administration is working around the clock to free remaining hostages, just as we have freed hostages already, and we will not rest until we bring them all home. (Applause.)

My administration, with our Second Gentleman’s leadership, has launched our nation’s first National Sec- — Strategy to Counter Antisemitism that’s mobilizing the full force of the federal government to protect Jewish communities.

But — but we know this is not the work of government alone or Jews alone. That’s why I’m calling on all Americans to stand united against antisemitism and hate in all its forms.

My dear friend, and he became a friend, the late Elie Wiesel, said, quote, “One person of integrity can make a difference.” We have to remember that now more than ever.

Here in Emancipation Hall in the U.S. Capitol, among the towering statues of history, is a bronze bust of Raoul Wallenberg. Born in Sweden as a Lutheran, he was a businessman and a diplomat. While stationed in Hungary during World War Two, he used diplomatic cover to hide and rescue about 100,000 Jews over a six-month period.

Among them was a 16-year-old Jewish boy who escaped a Nazi labor camp. After the war ended, that boy received a scholarship from the Hillel Foundation to study in America. He came to New York City penniless but determined to turn his pain into purpose, along with his wife, also a Holocaust survivor. He became a renowned economist and foreign policy thinker, eventually making his way to this very Capitol on the staff of a first-term senator.

That Jewish refugee was Tom Lantos, and that senator was me.

Tom and his wife, Annette, and their family became dear friends to me and my family. Tom would go on to become the only Holocaust survivor ever elected to Congress, where he became a leading voice on civil rights and human rights around the world.

Tom never met Raoul, who was taken prisoner by the Soviets, never to be heard from again. But through Tom’s efforts, Raoul’s bust is here in the Capitol.

He was also given honorary U.S. citizenship — only the second person ever, after Winston Churchill.

And the Holocaust Museum here in Washington is located on a roal- — a road in Raoul’s name.

The story of the power of a single person to put aside our differences, to see our common humanity, to stand up to hate. And it’s an ancient story of resilience from immense pain, persecution to find hope, purpose, and meaning in life we try to live and share with one another. That story endures.

Let me close with this. I know these Days of Remembrance fall on difficult times. But we all do well to remember these days also fall during the month we celebrate Jewish American heritage — a heritage that stretches from our earliest days to enrich every single part of American life today.

Great American — great Jewish American named Tom Lantos used the phrase, “The veneer of civilization is paper thin. We are its guardians, and we can never rest.”

My fellow Americans, we must — we must be those guardians. We must never rest. We must rise against hate, meet across the divide, see our common humanity.

And God bless the victims and survivors of the Shoah.

May the resilient hearts, the courageous spirit, and the eternal flame of faith of the Jewish people forever shine their light on America and around the world, pray God.

Thank you all. (Applause.)

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/05/07/remarks-by-president-biden-at-the-u-s-holocaust-memorial-museums-annual-days-of-remembrance-ceremony/


12:06 P.M. EDT

May 31, 2024- Remarks by President Biden on the Middle East:

Our justice system has endured for nearly 250 years, and it literally is the cornerstone of America — our justice system.
The justice system should be respected, and we should never allow anyone to tear it down. It’s as simple as that.
That’s America. That’s who we are. And that’s who we’ll always be, God willing.
Now to another issue. I — I want to give an update on my efforts to end the crisis in Gaza.
For the past several months, my negotiators of foreign policy, intelligence community, and the like have been relentlessly focused not just on a ceasefire that would eve- — that would inevitably be fragile and temporary but on a durable end to the war. That’s been the focus: a durable end to this war.
One that brings all the hostages home, ensures Israel’s security, creates a better “day after” in Gaza without Hamas in power, and sets the stage for a political settlement that provides a better future for Israelis and Palestinians alike.
Now, after intensive diplomacy carried out by my team and my many conversations with leaders of Israel, Qatar, and Egypt and other Middle Eastern countries, Israel has now offered — Israel has offered a comprehensive new proposal.
It’s a roadmap to an enduring ceasefire and the release of all hostages.
This proposal has been transmitted by Qatar to Hamas.
Today, I want to lay out its terms for the American citizens and for the world.
This new proposal has three phases — three.
The first phase would last for six weeks. Here’s what it would include: a full and complete ceasefire; a withdrawal of Israeli forces from all populated areas of Gaza; a release of a number of hostages — including women, the elderly, the wounded — in exchange for the release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners. There are American hostages who would be released at this stage, and we want them home.
Additional, some remains of hostages who have been killed would be returned to their families, bringing some degree of closure to their terrible grief.

Palestinians — civilians — would return to their homes and neighborhoods in all areas of Gaza, including in the north.
Humanitarian assistance would surge with 600 trucks carrying aid into Gaza every single day.
With a ceasefire, that aid could be safely and effectively distributed to all who need it. Hundreds of thousands of temporary shelters, including housing units, would be delivered by the international community.
All of that and more would begin immediately — immediately.
During the six weeks of ph- — of phase one, Israel and Hamas would negotiate the necessary arrangements to get to phase two, which is a permanent end to hostol- — to hostilities.

Now, I’ll be straight with you. There are a number of details to negotiate to move from phase one to phase two. Israel will want to make sure its interests are protected.

But the proposal says if the negotiations take longer than six weeks for phase one, the ceasefire will still continue as long as negotiations continue.

And the United States, Egypt, and Qatar would work to ensure negotiations keep going — all agreements — all agreements — until all the agreements are reached and phase two is able to begin.

Then phase two: There would be an exchange for the release of all remaining living hostages, including male soldiers; Israeli forces would withdraw from Gaza; and as long as Hamas lives up to its commitments, a temporary ceasefire would become, in the words of the propo- — the Israeli proposal, “the cessation of hostilities permanently,” end of quote. “Cessation of hostilities permanently.”

Finally, in phase three, a major reconstruction plan for Ga- — for Gaza wou- — would commence. And any final remains of hostages who have been killed would be returned to their families.

That’s the offer that’s now on the table and what we’ve been asking for. It’s what we need.

The people of Israel should know they can make this offer without any further risk to their own security because they’ve devastated Hamas form- — forces over the past eight months. At this point, Hamas no longer is capable of carrying out another October 7th, which — one of the Israelis’ main objective in this war and, quite frankly, a righteous one.

I know there are those in Israel who will not agree with this plan and will call for the war to continue indefinitely. Some — some are even in the government coalition. And they’ve made it clear: They want to occupy Gaza, they want to keep fighting for years, and the hostages are not a priority to them.

Well, I’ve urged the leadership in Israel to stand behind this deal, despite whatever pressure comes.

And to the people of Israel, let me say this. As someone whose had a lifelong commitment to Israel, as the only American president who has ever gone to Israel in a time of war, as someone who just sent the U.S. forces to directly defend Israel when it was attacked by Iran, I ask you to take a step back and think what will happen if this moment is lost.

We can’t lose this moment. Indefinite war in pursuit of an unidentified notion of “total victory” will not bring Israel in — will not bring down — bog down — will only bog down Israel in Gaza, draining the economic, military, and human- — and human resources, and furthering Israel’s isolation in the world.

That will not bring hostages home. That will not — not bring an enduring defeat of Hamas. That will not bring Israel lasting security.

But a comprehensive approach that starts with this deal will bring hostages home and will lead to a more secure Israel. And once a ceasefire and hostage deal is concluded, it unlocks the possibility of a great deal more progress, including — including calm along Israel’s northern border with Lebanon.

The United States will help forge a diplomatic resolution, one that ensures Israel’s security and allows people to safely return to their homes without fear of being attacked.

With a deal, a rebuilding of Gaza will begin [with] Arab nations and the international community, along with Palestinian and Israeli leaders, to get it done in a manner that does not allow Hamas to re-arm.

And the United States will work with our partners to rebuild homes, schools, and hospitals in Gaza to help repair communities that were destroyed in the chaos of war.

And with this deal, Israel could become more deeply integrated into the region, including — it’s no surprise to you all — including no — a po- — potential historic normalization agreement with Saudi Arabia. Israel could be part of a regional security network to counter the threat posed by Iran.

All of this progress would make Israel more secure, with Israeli families no longer living in the shadow of a terrorist attack.
https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/05/31/remarks-by-president-biden-on-the-middle-east-2/
 

May 20, 2024
On-the-Record Press Gaggle by White House National Security Communications Advisor John Kirby
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2:02 P.M. EDT

MODERATOR: Hey, everyone. Thanks for joining us. Kirby has a few words here at the top, and then we’ll get through as many questions as we can.

MR. KIRBY: Hey, everybody. I know you’ve all seen the statement from the President on the International Criminal Court’s prosecutor’s application for arrest warrants against Israeli leaders, as the President said, is outrageous. And there should be — there is none — any equivalence between Israel and Hamas.

Hopefully, you’ve also already seen Secretary Blinken’s statement, to the same effect, about our utter rejection of any equivalence between Israel and Hamas and of this particular call by the ICC, or arrest warrants, which we believe is totally without merit whatsoever.

I know you all have questions, I’m sure, about the helicopter crash in Iran. I’m afraid I’m just going to be disappointing to you; I don’t have any additional detail to share. You’ve hopefully seen our statements. We certainly offer — as the U.S. government, offer our condolences. But we don’t have any more detail or context about the nature of this crash to speak to. This would be something that Iranian authorities would have to speak to.

For our part, we’re going to continue to stand with the Iranian people as they fight for their own civil rights and — as they should. And we’re going to continue to hold Iran accountable for all their destabilizing behavior in the region, which continues to this day.

Lastly, if I could just quickly mention that National Security Advisor Sullivan is wrapping up his visit to the region today. Today he was in Israel. He had chance to meet with the leader of the opposition, Yair Lapid, as well as the Minister of Defense, Mr. Gallant, and a couple of members of the Israeli war cabinet to include Benny Gantz. The purpose there was to — the purpose there was to — I’m sorry, that was my granddaughter calling me. I apologize for that.

The purpose there was to talk, obviously, about the situation in Gaza and U.S. support — continued support for Israel in the face of the various threats that they’re under. And, again, there was a broad range of discussions here to include humanitarian assistance and making sure we can increase that flow, get it more sustained, as well as doing everything that they can to reassure and make comfortable humanitarian aid workers as that aid starts to get in.

And, of course, Mr. Sullivan reiterated our commitment to seeing Hamas defeated and also to try to see if we can’t get a hostage deal in place moving forward.

So with that, with apologies for the interruption there, we’ll take some questions.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Our first question will go to Steve with Reuters.

Q John, thank you. I know you don’t want to say much about Iran. Will the U.S. send a delegation to the Raisi funeral? And how might this incident alter U.S. relations with Iran?

MODERATOR: I think we might be having an audio issue. Can you try talking again?

Q Can you still — can you hear? Are you there? Sorry.

MODERATOR: Steve, can you try talking again, please?

Q Okay, how about — is this okay? I think the others can hear me. I’m getting notes from —

MODERATOR: I’m going to go on to our next question just in case it’s not something on our end, and then I’ll go back to you, Steve.

Aamer, would you mind unmuting and seeing if it will work?

Q Can you guys hear me?

MODERATOR: Yep, we can.

Q Okay. And Steve was asking — I was able to hear Steve. He was asking if the U.S. will be sending a delegation to the Iranian president’s funeral.

And secondly, I wanted to ask myself: Can you sort of explain why the U.S. is expressing official condolences for the death? This is someone the U.S. has previously cited for overseeing terrible human rights abuses. Was this something that the President himself weighed in on? And can you just sort of suss out, you know, the term “official” in the statement that was put out earlier? Because I do think that is confusing to some people.

And then second, could you also address the Iranian officials’ allegations that U.S. sanctions limiting aviation parts and supplies is at least partly to blame for this crash?

Thanks.

MR. KIRBY: I don’t have anything on a delegation for a funeral to speak to today.

And offering condolences is a typical practice. I mean, President Raisi was responsible for atrocious human rights in his own country — the arrest and the physical violence against hundreds of protesters, for instance. And, of course, he’s responsible for the support that Iran provides — or he was responsible for the support that Iran provided terrorist networks throughout the region, which obviously led to — the support that he’d given Hamas led to the slaughter of 1,200 innocent Israeli people on the 7th of October.

No question this was a man who had a lot of blood on his hands. That said, as we would in any other case, we certainly regret in general the loss of life, and offered official condolences as appropriate.

Now, as for this claim about U.S. sanctions being responsible, it’s utterly baseless. The cause of the crash, of course, isn’t clear, at least not clear to us. But I would note, Aamer, that Iranian official sources were out there citing poor flying conditions as a cause for concern, specifically fog.

And every country, no matter who they are, has a responsibility, their own responsibility, to ensure the safety and reliability of its equipment, and that includes civil aviation. So, again, totally baseless accusation. No truth to it. And it’s not surprising, sadly, but not surprising that the Iranian regime would once again find a way to try to blame the United States for problems of its own making.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Our next question will go to Nick with PBS.

Q Hey, John. Questions on Jake’s visit to Israel and Saudi Arabia. The first one is on the Rafah. Do you believe that the Israeli operation remains limited? And the reassurances that Jake and the team got on Rafah, has that at all answered some of your concerns about what’s to come in Rafah, or what could come?

And then, the Saudi question is: Are there steps being taken right now between DOD and the Ministry of Defense in Saudi Arabia? And are those the final steps before the Saudi-U.S. bilateral security agreement is finalized? Thanks.

MR. KIRBY: So, on Rafah: Yes, of course, Jake raised our continued concerns about Rafah and the potential for any major operations there and the risk that that would put the hundreds of thousands of people that are still down there, near — in or near Rafah.

I’m not going to characterize Israeli operations. I’ll just say what I’ve said before: We have not seen them execute that sort of an operation. And part of the reason Jake went was sort of building out on this strategic consultative group format. This was a little different format, of course, because Jake was over there in person, but it was building out on those conversations that we’ve had in that context, and he was grateful for the opportunity to do it. It is another example of Israeli willingness to continue to hear us out on our concerns but, just as critically, on our ideas about alternatives for them to go after Hamas in Rafah that wouldn’t require a large ground operation, because we still believe there are viable alternatives available to the Israelis.

On the second question about the Saudi discussions, I would just say that Jake was able to make significant progress on the bilateral elements of what we believe would be a truly historic deal that would lead to a more integrated region. I could refer you directly to the Saudi readout, which, again, we think put it all into proper context. It discussed it being a near-final bilateral agreement. And I think I’d leave it at that.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Our next question will go to Kayla with CNN.

Q Thank you so much for taking my questions. I have two questions. The first is with regard to the ICC. I’m wondering, Admiral, if you can explain the difference in the U.S. posture with regard to potential war crimes in Ukraine — where just today Secretary Austin says the U.S. continues to work with the ICC on that — and the U.S. position on the ICC’s application for arrest warrants of Israeli leaders.

And then, just, my second question is if you can give us a little bit more detail on what Jake Sullivan communicated to Israel’s defense minister when he essentially met with him right around the time that the news of the application for his arrest warrant was coming out. What did the administration communicate that it would be willing to do in response to that?

MR. KIRBY: Yeah. So, on your first question, as we have made clear for many, many months, while we aren’t a member — or a party to the ICC, we had committed and stay committed to helping Ukraine as they document evidence for a range of international bodies, not just the ICC, but a range of international bodies to investigate, document claims of war crimes by Russia.

I would remind everybody that it is an actual war aim of Mr. Putin to kill innocent Ukrainian people. I mean, he’s deliberately targeting civilian infrastructure with the aim of killing innocent civilians, and it’s just baked into his operational strategy.

As we have said before, that is not what the IDF is doing. I’m not at all suggesting that there have been too many civilian casualties. Of course, there have been. And we continue to talk to the Israelis about being more discriminant, more targeted, more precise — part of what Jake’s conversations were. But IDF soldiers are not waking up in the morning, putting their boots on the ground with direct orders to go kill innocent civilians in Gaza.

And the larger issue here is: As I’ve said earlier, and as was in our statements, we don’t believe the ICC has any jurisdiction here with respect to what’s going on in Gaza. And I’ll leave it at that.

To your second question about Jake’s meeting with Defense Minister Gallant: I obviously wasn’t at that meeting so I can’t relay to you anything that Jake may have said in that moment or how close to the moment of this announcement by the ICC prosecutor was with relation to the meeting with Gallant.

I’ll just say that we’re going to continue to stay in touch with members of Congress as appropriate here on this, and I don’t have any actions one way or another to speak to today.

Q Would the administration support any efforts by members of Congress to levy new sanctions on the ICC in response to this?

MR. KIRBY: I would just say we’re going to stay in touch with members of Congress here. This is only, you know, early hours here right after this television interview announcement. And I just don’t have anything more to add. We’re going to stay in touch with members of Congress, as you would expect us to do.

MODERATOR: Thank you. We are going to go back to Steve and try this again, because he had a little bit more.

Q How’s that? Is that better?

MODERATOR: Perfect.

Q Okay. Hey, and thanks for indulging me. John, just following up on Nick’s question about the Saudi deal: If it’s near final, do you expect an announcement soon? And is it contingent on an agreement for a pathway to a Palestinian state? You know, what needs to happen now?

MR. KIRBY: Yeah, I would probably not want to get into specific timing. As you saw on the Saudi readout, “near final,” we agree with that; we believe we’re very close. But I’m not at liberty now to put a date certain on it or a timing notion on this.

But, look, as a part of this, I’ll just say what we said before: The effort here is designed to help get to — hopefully — get to normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia, which we believe, as I said earlier, will help lead to a much more integrated, cooperative region, which the President believes is better for security and stability, not just for the United States and our national security interests, but the interests of those who are living in the region.

And from the very get-go, there has always been an understanding that as part of this process there has to be something in it for the Palestinian people, of course. And the President remains committed to a two-state solution, but he recognizes that, you know, that’s not something we’re going to see anytime in the imminent future.

We do believe that if we were able to get to a more integrated region, which would include potentially normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia, that that could help set some of the conditions for leadership in the region to do what leadership in the region needs to do, and that’s really trying to get to a two-state solution.

The bottom line for us is that we believe the only way to get a two-state solution that is sustainable and enduring is through leadership in the region and direct negotiations between the parties, and that hasn’t changed.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Our next question will go to Nathan with KAN-TV.

Q Thanks so much. I wanted to go back to Israel. Both Defense Minister Gallant and Cabinet Minister Gantz made statements in the past week, basically demanding from Netanyahu to clarify his day-after policy for Gaza. Where does the U.S. stand on that? Do you think these statements are helpful? Does this echo the administration’s view?

MR. KIRBY: I’m sorry, their statements on what?

Q On the need to clarify Israel’s day-after policy in Gaza.

MR. KIRBY: Look, this is something Secretary Blinken has been focused on since very, very early in the conflict. And we continue to believe that active and energetic discussions about post-conflict Gaza governance are more than warranted. And we are going to continue to have those discussions with our Israeli counterparts, as well as our Arab partners in the region to boot.

We don’t believe that whatever the post-conflict governance picture looks like in Gaza, that it can include Hamas, and we certainly don’t still support any IDF occupation. But this is a topic of ongoing discussions, has been in just recent days, and will continue to be going forward.

I think, again, we’ve been very, very clear that Israeli military operations absolutely require a political plan to help ensure the lasting defeat of Hamas and a post-conflict situation in Gaza where the aspirations of the Palestinians who live there and call it home can be met.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Our next question will go to Yuna with Israel 12.

Q Hi. Thank you for taking my question. Another specific on the Saudi deal. Is the Israeli element, the normalization element, is the key element of what you’re saying close to a statement, or there could be an agreement without the normalization for just the U.S.-Saudi? Or is the U.S. or the Saudis waiting to see if there could be some progress or there could be some statement by the Israelis on this?

MR. KIRBY: The significant progress I’m referring to from Jake’s trip is the bilateral elements between the United States and Saudi Arabia.

Q Anything specific on that?

MR. KIRBY: No, I think I’ll leave it at that.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Our next question will go to Neria with Israel 13.

Q Hi. Thank you so much for doing this. I wanted to ask about a Palestinian state. We did hear that Netanyahu declared last Saturday, two days ago, that he will not be willing to allow a Palestinian state be formed, also as a part — also if (inaudible) of the normalization with Saudi Arabia. How do you comment on that?

MR. KIRBY: I hate to ask you to repeat the question, but it was a little broken there in the middle, and I didn’t quite get —

Q I’m going to try to ask it again. I’m going to try to ask it again. I hope you can hear me well.

We did hear Netanyahu’s declaration about not allowing a Palestinian state even if it comes with (inaudible) the Saudi (inaudible). So I’m asking, how do you react to that statement by Netanyahu on Saturday, two days ago?

MR. KIRBY: I would just — first of all, the Prime Minister can speak for himself, obviously. I would just tell you that nothing has changed about President Biden’s commitment to a two-state solution. He believes in the promise of it. He believes it’s attainable. He knows it’s not going to happen tomorrow — of course not — but he still believes in it. And he also believes that it’s going to require leadership, leadership here in the United States but also leadership there in the region, to make it work.

At the same time, he still believes in what I said earlier about the value of a more integrated, more cooperative region. And he believes that normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia can help lead to that effort.

Now, Jake was in Saudi Arabia, largely just working on the bilateral pieces of this between the United States and Saudi Arabia. And as I said earlier, we’re close to finality on that, but there’s an awful lot of work ahead of us, diplomatic work ahead of us, and the United States will stay committed to that.

I can’t speak for the Prime Minister and his views; he’ll have to do that. But nothing has absolutely changed about where President Biden is on this.

Q And if I can follow up on that, just to ask: Will the U.S. be willing to do a deal with the Saudis without Israel, if Israel will not be willing to allow a Palestinian state?

MR. KIRBY: I just — I’m not going to get into a hypothetical at this point in where we are in the process. Again, Jake had good discussions in Riyadh over the course of the weekend. And as I said, you know, we are closer now than we’ve ever been in terms of the bilateral nature of this agreement, which could help lead, again, to a more integrated region. And that’s what we’re focused on.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Our next question will go to Danny with AFP.

Q Thanks very much for doing this. And thanks, Admiral. Apologies if this has already been asked. I had a slightly dodgy connection. But I just wanted to ask your position on the ICC prosecutor asking for the arrest warrants for Hamas leaders. Do you support that despite the President opposing the arrest warrant applications for Netanyahu and Gallant? Thanks.

MR. KIRBY: There’s no — there’s absolutely — first of all, the ICC — we still don’t believe the ICC has any jurisdiction in this matter. That’s — and there should be no equivalence rendered at all. None. It’s ridiculous to render equivalent Israel and Hamas after what Hamas did on the 7th of October. They need to be held accountable. In a military sense, they are being held accountable by the IDF. And the United States is also, through our assistance to the IDF as well as, as you’ve seen, the sanctions that we have imposed, we are also looking at our own ways of holding Hamas accountable for what they did.

But there’s no equivalence between Israel and Hamas, a known terrorist organization. And again, we don’t believe the ICC has any jurisdiction in this matter.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Our next question will go to Nadia.

Q Hi, Sam. Hi, John. A couple of questions. Talking on the two-state solution, there is a Reuters report — I think it was yesterday — that there is bipartisan efforts from both parties to block any chance of a plan for a two-state solution, because as you know, Netanyahu said it will be a reward for terrorism. Is this an uphill battle for the White House if you have lawmakers going against it as well?

And second, just to clarify what the President said yesterday at the Morehouse College, he said that “I demanded a ceasefire,” and there was a clap from the audience. But he did not say that it was conditional or humanitarian or repeating what was in the past six weeks, et cetera. He just said “a ceasefire.” Can you clarify this, please? Thank you.

MR. KIRBY: He was referring, Nadia, as we’ve all been referring, to the temporary ceasefire that we’re trying to get in place, tied to a hostage deal. That’s what he was referring to — the same thing that we’ve all been referring to.

Q So no change of policy here?

MR. KIRBY: There’s no change in policy.

Q Okay. Okay.

MR. KIRBY: And as for lawmakers: Look, again, I’ll let lawmakers speak for themselves. We’re going to continue to engage members of Congress, as I said earlier, on all of these issues, and that includes our continued pursuit of a two-state solution, which we still believe is the right answer.

And, you know, nobody is pollyannish about it here. We understand how difficult this is going to be. We don’t expect to get there, as I said, anytime imminently. But, my goodness, that doesn’t mean you stop trying. It’s still the best thing for safety and security in the region, not just for the Palestinian people, but for the Israeli people as well, because any two-state solution is going to have to factor in Israel’s security as a guarantee. And we’re committed to that. It’s the right thing to do for so many reasons. And the President is not going to give up on that, and we’ll continue to engage members of Congress as appropriate going forward.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Our next question, we’ll go to Haley with Scripps.

Q Hey. Thanks, Sam. Thanks, John. You mentioned that Jake had talked about efforts to get a hostage ceasefire deal in place. I just wanted to see if you could provide any update, if there’s been any progress out of his trip to the region on this front. Thanks.

MR. KIRBY: I don’t have any specific muscle movements to speak to today. It is something that we continue to maintain and even strain on, and that includes in Jake’s discussions over the weekend. But I can’t, sadly, sit here and talk to you and tell you that — you know, that we’re closer right now than we were a week or so ago. But that doesn’t mean we’re not going to stop working on it.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Our next question will go to Brian with Fox.

Q Oh, I didn’t know I was with Fox. (Laughter.)

MODERATOR: Oh, apologies. I thought you were —

Q (Laughs.) That’s all right.

MODERATOR: We were going for you anyway.

Q (Inaudible.) Well, hey. First, John —

MR. KIRBY: You can be whoever you want to be, Brian.

Q (Laughs.) Thanks, John. I hope you’re having fun with your granddaughter.

But my question is just a follow-up on a couple of things with Sullivan coming out of the visit. Is there anything concrete other than just the hope of a solution? Or do we have something concrete coming out of that?

And then, on the ICC, what would we accept from them if we feel they have no jurisdiction? Where do we think their jurisdiction lies?

MR. KIRBY: Well, we don’t believe they have jurisdiction in this matter and, again, utterly reject this call for arrest warrants of Israeli leaders. Just, again, totally baseless here.

It’s not that we’re looking for something out of the ICC. We’re looking to make sure Israel has what it needs to defend itself. We’re looking for ways to hold Hamas accountable in an appropriate way. And we’re looking to make sure that the people who — the Palestinians who live in Gaza not only get the food, water, and medicine that they need, but they can look forward to a future where they actually have a vote and a voice in that future, that their aspirations can be met. That’s what we’re focused on here.

And on your first question, I really don’t want to go any further than I went earlier, that we — Jake believes that he made significant progress on the bilateral elements, that is the U.S.-Saudi elements, of a package deal that we believe would have historic possibilities for a more integrated region. And as I said earlier, we believe coming out of this weekend that we have achieved a near-final set of text on some of those bilateral agreements. But it is really bilateral between the U.S. and Saudi at this point.

Q So nothing concrete? Just hope that we’re getting closer towards a solution?

MR. KIRBY: Well, when you’ve — I mean, I’m not going to get — I’m not going to get ahead of the text, Brian, but the fact that we believe it’s near final should indicate to you that there are some specifics in there, some details, some tangible achievements. But it would be imprudent for me to get into the details of it now when it’s not final. Near final does not mean final, and I don’t want to get ahead of it.

Q Would you be sharing those — do you anticipate being able to share some of those soon?

MR. KIRBY: We hope we can get there real soon, and I’m sure we’ll be as transparent with everybody as we can be.

MODERATOR: Thank you. And apologies again for misidentifying you.

Our last question will go to James Rosen.

Q Thank you very much, Samantha. And thank you, Admiral, as always.

This sudden transition in Iran, its causes are not known; as you say, the cause of the crash is not clear to the United States. And it would seem to me the cause would have a significant impact, depending on what it is, on how this plays out inside Iran and what it might mean for the United States and the region and so on.

For example, were it, in fact, a deliberate act and not a function of technical problems or weather issues, that might portend a more drawn-out power struggle inside the regime and so forth.

Given that you don’t know that, what we do know is that this is very abrupt, bracing, perhaps traumatic in some quarters of Iran. And I wonder if the United States, apart from extending its official condolences following this incident, is determined to exploit it for some advantage on the world stage against an entity that is, after all, not like China, a strategic competitor, but an out-and-out adversary.

MR. KIRBY: All I would say to that, James, is that regardless of what caused the crash, regardless of how the Iranian government responds to the death of President Raisi and their foreign minister, and what their internal political dynamics are, we will continue to hold Iran accountable for their destabilizing behaviors; for their support to terrorist networks like Hamas and Hezbollah and the Houthis; like the attacks that they continue to conduct on shipping, in the Gulf region; and for their support for Mr. Putin in Ukraine.

All those things, even as you and I are speaking, are still going on, even with the death of President Raisi. And so, all of those things — it’s incumbent for us to be able to continue to hold them accountable for all of those things. And we’ll do that.

Q It sounds similar to what Jake Sullivan said at the lectern in the White House press briefing room the other day, when I asked about the new Russian defense minister. In essence, in this system, there’s only one person that calls the shots. In essence, as he more or less conveyed, it doesn’t matter who the defense minister in Russia is. And it almost sounds as though you’re saying — telling us that it doesn’t matter who the Iranian president is; it’s the Ayatollah who calls the shots. And those same destabilizing behaviors are very likely to continue regardless of whether Raisi had survived or whoever is put in his place. Am I summarizing you accurately?

MR. KIRBY: Yes, we have to assume that. And the Supreme Leader is the one who makes these decisions. And the Supreme Leader, as he did in the last so-called election, made sure to stack the deck with only candidates that met his mandates.

So we don’t anticipate any change in Iranian behavior, and, therefore, the Iranians should not expect any change in American behavior when it comes to holding them accountable.

MODERATOR: Thank you. And that is all the time we have for today. As always, if we didn’t get to your question, please reach out to the NSC press distro, and we’ll get back to you as soon as we can. Thanks all.

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/05/20/on-the-record-press-gaggle-by-white-house-national-security-communications-advisor-john-kirby-12/

May 20, 2024
Remarks by President Biden and Second Gentleman Douglas Emhoff at a Celebration for Jewish American Heritage Month
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THE SECOND GENTLEMAN: I got to wait for that song to end. (Laughter.)

Good evening.

AUDIENCE: Good evening.

THE SECOND GENTLEMAN: It is my honor to be standing here with President Biden and Vice President Harris. (Applause.) They have both stood strong with the Jewish community time and time again. There is no one fighting harder to combat hate and to unite our country.

To all of our esteemed guests, it is so great to join you for a Jewish American Heritage Month celebration at the White House. (Applause.)

Tonight, we’ve come together to celebrate our heritage and honor our culture, to reflect on the invaluable contributions of our ancestors and the Jewish leaders of today.

But it is also a challenging time for our community. It’s been a dark and difficult seven months. I know a lot of us are feeling alone, afraid, and in pain.

There is an epidemic of hate, including a crisis of antisemitism, in our country and around the world. We see it on our streets, our college campuses, and our places of worship.

I know it’s difficult to have hope and to feel optimistic right now. And to be honest, some days, it’s really challenging for me to put myself out here and do this work publicly. And I know it’s hard for you too. But we keep fighting because we have no choice but to fight. (Applause.)

Jewish leaders are on the frontlines fighting antisemitism through education, advocacy, and building bridges with other communities. It’s because of your leadership that we will dismantle prejudice and ensure Jewish safety. (Applause.)

I also want to acknowledge the student leaders who are here with us today. (Applause.) You have stood up to hate and antisemitism on college campuses. And on behalf of our nation, thank you for your courage. And let me be clear: We have your back. (Applause.)

Ever since that horrific day of October 7th, I’ve been reaching out to Jewish leaders and Jewish students all across the country just to check in and see how they’re feeling. And in each of these conversations, my message is always the same: We still need to find and embrace that Jewish joy.

Joy is what I remember most about growing up Jewish. And it’s what I felt in some of my favorite moments as Second Gentleman, like returning to my Jewish summer camp and reliving the memory of being voted “Most Athletic.” (Laughter.) Or when I attended — (laughter) —

THE VICE PRESIDENT: (Laughs.) You did. (Laughter.)

THE SECOND GENTLEMAN: (Laughs.) Or —

AUDIENCE MEMBER: You’re still athletic! (Laughter.)

THE SECOND GENTLEMAN: Or — thank you.

Or when I attended the BBYO International Convention and spoke with — (applause) — there you go — with the next generation of leaders about how proud they are of being Jewish.

And when the Vice President, my wife, and I affixed the first-ever mezuzah on the door of the Vice President’s Residence with our entire family there. (Applause.) And honestly, I think it’s one of the only times I’ve ever seen my father cry was during that moment.

So, it’s that same feeling of joy I want everyone to experience, especially our young people, because we cannot live in fear. We cannot be afraid. We must always raise our voices and live openly and proudly as Jews. (Applause.)

Last year, before my trip to Poland and Germany to recognize International Holocaust Remembrance Day, President Biden pulled me into the Oval Office. He shared with me his memories of visiting the Dachau concentration camp with his children and grandchildren — and also how angry his father was that the Allies had not bombed the train tracks leading to the concentration camps.

Then, in the immediate aftermath of October 7th, I stood beside President Biden as he condemned the pure evil Hamas unleashed into the world and staunchly proclaimed his support for the Jewish people and Israel. (Applause.)

He reaffirmed America’s ironclad commitment to Israel’s security, and that hasn’t changed. President Biden and Vice President Harris are steadfast in their support of Israel and the entire Jewish community. (Applause.) Thank you.

I am so grateful for their leadership, especially during these challenging times.

So, please join me in welcoming President Joe Biden. (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: Well, thank you, Kamala and Doug. It’s an almost — it’s an honor to be introduced by the first-ever Jewish spouse of an American President — Vice President.

It’s also — have with us the Attorney General, members of Congress, including Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, who will be here soon; Representative Debbie Wasserman Schultz, who is responsible for this occurring — having sponsored this early on — (applause) — back when she was 12 years old as a c- —

And to all of you here, welcome to the White House to celebrate extraordinary contributions of Jewish Americans in the nation. Look, the story of the Jewish people is a story of resilience — absolute resilience from pain and persecution, to hope and delight even in the darkest times.

The story that endures. Throughout our history, Jewish people helped define and expand the singular idea that binds us together as Americans — this is not hyperbole: freedom. Freedom — the bedrock principle on which this nation was built and that American Jews fought for since the 1600s after fleeing persecution abroad.

One of our nation’s first commitments to freedom of religion was in the Jewish community in Newport, Rhode Island. It goes back a long way. 1790, America was just 14 years old. A local Jewish leader wrote a letter to President George Washington expressing his hope that America would be a nation of religious freedom not just for Jews but for all citizens — a nation which, quote, “gives bigotry no sanction [and] persecution no assistance.”

It helped bring — lay the groundwork for religious freedom and the First Amendment in our com- — amendment in our Constitution.

And ever since, Jews have been in the forefront of helping realize the promise of America for all Americans. Jewish artists, poets helped define the American vision of liberty for millions of people who come to our shores.

And, look, Jewish suffragettes and advocates have fought for women’s rights, voting rights every — every right we have.

My whole career, every — every fight to increase civil rights and civil liberties have been led by Jewish community, where I come from. The Jewish faith leaders and citizens march, petition, boarded a bus, demanded civil rights for all.

Jewish scientists and engineers and doctors have led breakthroughs in innovation, technology, and medicine.

Across government, Jewish Americans have proudly served our nation in uniform and elected appointive office in embassies and civil service and our nation’s highest courts.

That’s why Jill and I hosted the first-ever High Holiday reception at the White House. The — (applause) — it’s important. The first-ever permanent White House (inaudible), made from the original wood of the White House building — (applause) — to make clear that the history and vibrancy of the Jewish life is woven into the very fabric of America, and it’s permanent. It’s permanent.

But, look, I know today’s reception falls on hard times. The trauma of October 7th and its aftermath of the deadliest day the Jewish people have undergone since the Holocaust is still fresh and ongoing and many of — with many of you.

And we have parents of someone being held hostage right now. And we’re — we’re going to get him home. We’re going to get him home come hell or high water. (Applause.)

Twelve hundred innocent (inaudible) slaughtered in their kibbutz; massacred at a — a music festival; brutally raped, mutilated, sexually assaulted. Hundreds taken hostage and thousands more wounded, carrying the scars and the memory of what they endured. You all know someone, directly or indirectly — family, friends — who were stolen from you or are in a harm’s way now.

And my commitment to the safety the Jewish people, the security of Israel and its right to exist is — as an independent Jewish state is ironclad. (Applause.) No, it really is.

My administration is working around the clock to free the remaining hostages, just as we have freed hostages already.

And here with us today is Hersh Gold- — Goldberg-Polin, and who is still — he — he is not here with us, but he’s still being held by Hamas, and Rachel and Jon are here with us. Stand up, guys. (Applause.) Their love, strength, and compassion inspire the entire world. And I pledge to both of you — and I mean it — and I know you know, Mom, that I mean it — that I will not rest until we bring your loved one home. We got to bring him home. (Applause.)

And, folks, let me [be] clear. I’ll always ensure that Israel has everything it needs to defend itself against Hamas and all other enemies, just as I did when Iran’s unprecedented attack last month. (Applause.)

We stand with Israel to take out Sinwar and the rest of the butchers of Hamas. (Applause.) We want Hamas defeated. We’ll work with Israel to make that happen.

And consistent with Jewish values in compassion, kindness, and dignity and human life, my team also is providing critical humanitarian assistance to help innocent Palestinian civilians who are suffering greatly because of the war Hamas — Hamas has unleashed. (Applause.) It’s heartbreaking.

As we do this, we’re also committed to bring the region together to work toward a two-state solution that provides security, prosperity, and enduring peace for Israel and Palestinians. (Applause.)

And let me be clear: We reject the ICC’s application for arrest warrants against Israeli leaders. (Applause.) Whatever these warrants may imply, there is no equivalence between Israel and Hamas. (Applause.) And it’s clear Israel wants all — do all it can to ensure civilian protection.

But let me be clear. Contrary to allegations against Israel made by the International Court of Justice, what’s happening is not genocide. We reject that. (Applause.) And we’ll always stand with Israel and it’s — in the threats against its security.

Compounding the pain and [is] a vicious surge of antisemitism around the world, here in America as well, in our streets, our social media, and college campuses. It’s amazing it’s happening. It’s absolutely despicable. It’s wrong, and it must stop. It must stop.

In America, we respect and protect fundamental rights of free speech to protest peacefully. That’s America. But there’s no place in any campus in America, any place in America for antisemitism, for hate speech that threatens violence of any kind against Jews or anyone else. (Applause.)

Nobody should fear going to synagogue or school or walking on the street wearing a symbol of your faith. That’s wrong — simply wrong.

And that’s why, long before October 7th, I launched the nation’s first National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism. (Applause.) And it’s mobilizing the full force of the federal government to crack down on antisemitism wherever we find it.

We recently cured — secured an additional $400 million, the largest increase ever, in physical security for nonprofits, including synagogues, Jewish community centers, Jewish schools, Jewish nonprofits.

My Department of Education has put colleges on notice that antidesem- — antisemitism is discrimination prohibited under Title 6 of the Civil Rights Act, period. And the Department has to investigate discriminatively and aggressively — discrimination aggressively.

That’s my Special Envoy to Monitor and (inaudible) Antisemitism, Deborah — Deborah, you all — where — where — is Deborah here?

AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yeah! (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: Deborah, thank you — Lipstadt — for furthering our efforts all around the world. It matters. This matters.

To the Jewish community, I want you to know: I see your fear, your hurt, and your pain. And let me assure you, as your President: You are not alone. You belong. You always will belong. (Applause.)

Let me close it this. In moments like this, we do well to remember that this ancient story of Jewish resilience endures because of its people. That’s what today is all about: feeling the joy and pride of community; honoring the beauty of your unshakeable faith; and celebrating heritage and legacy of Jewish Americans, who continue to enrich every single part of our life.

So, thank you for what you’ve done for America and for the whole world to make it a better place.

May the Jewish people shine their light and shine the light of the — on the world for generations to come, because we need you badly.

So, God bless you all. And God protect our troops. Thank you for being here. (Applause.)

5:45 P.M. EDT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/05/20/remarks-by-president-biden-and-second-gentleman-douglas-emhoff-at-a-celebration-for-jewish-american-heritage-month/

May 31, 2024
Remarks by President Biden on the Middle East
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1:28 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Hello, folks.

(The President checks his watch.) Just checking it’s afternoon. (Laughter.) Good afternoon. Before I begin my remarks, I just wanted to say a few words about what happened yesterday in New York City.

The American principle that no one is above the law was reaffirmed.

Donald Trump was given every opportunity to defend himself.

It was a state case, not a federal case. And it was heard by a jury of 12 citizens — 12 Americans, 12 people like you. Like millions of Americans who served on juries, this jury was chosen the same way every jury in America is chosen. It was a process that Donald Trump’s attorney was part of.

The jury heard five weeks of evidence — five weeks. And after careful deliberation, the jury reached a unanimous verdict. They found Donald Trump guilty on all 34 felony counts. Now he’ll be given the opportunity, as he should, to appeal that decision just like everyone else has that opportunity.

That’s how the American system of justice works.

And it’s reckless, it’s dangerous, and it’s irresponsible for anyone to say this was rigged just because they don’t like the verdict.

Our justice system has endured for nearly 250 years, and it literally is the cornerstone of America — our justice system.

The justice system should be respected, and we should never allow anyone to tear it down. It’s as simple as that.

That’s America. That’s who we are. And that’s who we’ll always be, God willing.

Now to another issue. I — I want to give an update on my efforts to end the crisis in Gaza.

For the past several months, my negotiators of foreign policy, intelligence community, and the like have been relentlessly focused not just on a ceasefire that would eve- — that would inevitably be fragile and temporary but on a durable end to the war. That’s been the focus: a durable end to this war.

One that brings all the hostages home, ensures Israel’s security, creates a better “day after” in Gaza without Hamas in power, and sets the stage for a political settlement that provides a better future for Israelis and Palestinians alike.

Now, after intensive diplomacy carried out by my team and my many conversations with leaders of Israel, Qatar, and Egypt and other Middle Eastern countries, Israel has now offered — Israel has offered a comprehensive new proposal.

It’s a roadmap to an enduring ceasefire and the release of all hostages.

This proposal has been transmitted by Qatar to Hamas.

Today, I want to lay out its terms for the American citizens and for the world.

This new proposal has three phases — three.

The first phase would last for six weeks. Here’s what it would include: a full and complete ceasefire; a withdrawal of Israeli forces from all populated areas of Gaza; a release of a number of hostages — including women, the elderly, the wounded — in exchange for the release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners. There are American hostages who would be released at this stage, and we want them home.

Additional, some remains of hostages who have been killed would be returned to their families, bringing some degree of closure to their terrible grief.

Palestinians — civilians — would return to their homes and neighborhoods in all areas of Gaza, including in the north.

Humanitarian assistance would surge with 600 trucks carrying aid into Gaza every single day.

With a ceasefire, that aid could be safely and effectively distributed to all who need it. Hundreds of thousands of temporary shelters, including housing units, would be delivered by the international community.

All of that and more would begin immediately — immediately.

During the six weeks of ph- — of phase one, Israel and Hamas would negotiate the necessary arrangements to get to phase two, which is a permanent end to hostol- — to hostilities.

Now, I’ll be straight with you. There are a number of details to negotiate to move from phase one to phase two. Israel will want to make sure its interests are protected.

But the proposal says if the negotiations take longer than six weeks for phase one, the ceasefire will still continue as long as negotiations continue.

And the United States, Egypt, and Qatar would work to ensure negotiations keep going — all agreements — all agreements — until all the agreements are reached and phase two is able to begin.

Then phase two: There would be an exchange for the release of all remaining living hostages, including male soldiers; Israeli forces would withdraw from Gaza; and as long as Hamas lives up to its commitments, a temporary ceasefire would become, in the words of the propo- — the Israeli proposal, “the cessation of hostilities permanently,” end of quote. “Cessation of hostilities permanently.”

Finally, in phase three, a major reconstruction plan for Ga- — for Gaza wou- — would commence. And any final remains of hostages who have been killed would be returned to their families.

That’s the offer that’s now on the table and what we’ve been asking for. It’s what we need.

The people of Israel should know they can make this offer without any further risk to their own security because they’ve devastated Hamas form- — forces over the past eight months. At this point, Hamas no longer is capable of carrying out another October 7th, which — one of the Israelis’ main objective in this war and, quite frankly, a righteous one.

I know there are those in Israel who will not agree with this plan and will call for the war to continue indefinitely. Some — some are even in the government coalition. And they’ve made it clear: They want to occupy Gaza, they want to keep fighting for years, and the hostages are not a priority to them.

Well, I’ve urged the leadership in Israel to stand behind this deal, despite whatever pressure comes.

And to the people of Israel, let me say this. As someone whose had a lifelong commitment to Israel, as the only American president who has ever gone to Israel in a time of war, as someone who just sent the U.S. forces to directly defend Israel when it was attacked by Iran, I ask you to take a step back and think what will happen if this moment is lost.

We can’t lose this moment. Indefinite war in pursuit of an unidentified notion of “total victory” will not bring Israel in — will not bring down — bog down — will only bog down Israel in Gaza, draining the economic, military, and human- — and human resources, and furthering Israel’s isolation in the world.

That will not bring hostages home. That will not — not bring an enduring defeat of Hamas. That will not bring Israel lasting security.

But a comprehensive approach that starts with this deal will bring hostages home and will lead to a more secure Israel. And once a ceasefire and hostage deal is concluded, it unlocks the possibility of a great deal more progress, including — including calm along Israel’s northern border with Lebanon.

The United States will help forge a diplomatic resolution, one that ensures Israel’s security and allows people to safely return to their homes without fear of being attacked.

With a deal, a rebuilding of Gaza will begin [with] Arab nations and the international community, along with Palestinian and Israeli leaders, to get it done in a manner that does not allow Hamas to re-arm.

And the United States will work with our partners to rebuild homes, schools, and hospitals in Gaza to help repair communities that were destroyed in the chaos of war.

And with this deal, Israel could become more deeply integrated into the region, including — it’s no surprise to you all — including no — a po- — potential historic normalization agreement with Saudi Arabia. Israel could be part of a regional security network to counter the threat posed by Iran.

All of this progress would make Israel more secure, with Israeli families no longer living in the shadow of a terrorist attack.

And all of this would create the conditions for a different future and a better future for the Palestinian people, one of self-determination, dignity, security, and freedom. This path is available once the deal is struck.

Israel will always have the right to defend itself against the threats to its security and to bring those responsible for October 7th to justice. And the United States will always ensure that Israel has what it needs to defend itself.

If Hamas fails to fulfill its commitments under the deal, Israel can resume military operations. But Egypt and Qatar have assured me and they are continuing to work to ensure that Hamas doesn’t do that. And the United States will help ensure that Israel lives up to their obligations as well.

That’s what this deal says. That’s what it says. And we’ll do our part.

This is truly a decisive moment. Israel has made their proposal. Hamas says it wants a ceasefire. This deal is an opportunity to prove whether they really mean it.

Hamas needs to take the deal.

For months, people all over the world have called for a ceasefire. Now it’s time to raise your voices and to demand that Hasa- — Hamas come to the table, agrees to this deal, and ends this war that they began.

Of course, there will be differences on the specific details that need to be worked out. That’s natural. If Hamas comes to negotiate ready to deal, then Israel negotiations must be given a mandate, the necessary flexibility to close that deal.

The past eight months have marked heartbreaking pain: pain of those whose loved ones were slaughtered by Hamas terrorists on October 7th; hostages and their families waiting in anguish; ordinary Israelis whose lives were forever marked by the shattering event of Hamas’s sexual violence and ruthless brutality.

And the Palestinian people have endured sheer hell in this war. Too many innocent people have been killed, including thousands of children. Far too many have been badly wounded.

We all saw the terrible images from the deadly fire in Rafah earlier this week following an Israeli strike against — targeting Hamas. And even as we work to surge assistance to Gaza, with 1,800 trucks delivering supplies these last five days — 1,800 — the humanitarian crisis still remains.

I know this is a subject on which people in this country feel deep, passionate convictions. And so do I. This has been one of the hardest, most complicated problems in the world. There’s nothing easy about this — nothing easy about it.

Through it all, though, the United States has worked relentlessly to support Israelis’ security, to get humanitarian supplies into Gaza, and to get a ceasefire and a hostage deal to bring this war to an end.

Yesterday, with this new initiative, we’ve taken an important step in that direction.

And I want to level with you today as to where we are and what might be possible. But I need your help. Everyone who wants peace now must raise their voices and let the leaders know they should take this deal; work to make it real, make it lasting; and forge a better future out of the tragic terror attack and war.

It’s time to begin this new stage, for the hostages to come home, for Israel to be secure, for the suffering to stop. It’s time for this war to end and for the day after to begin.

Thank you very much.

1:42 P.M.

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/05/31/remarks-by-president-biden-on-the-middle-east-2/
 

June 03, 2024
On-the-Record Press Gaggle by White House National Security Communications Advisor John Kirby
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11:35 A.M. EDT

MODERATOR: Good Monday morning, everyone. Thanks for joining us for the NSC News of the Day Gaggle with John Kirby.

I’d like everyone to pause for a moment and join us in wishing John Kirby a very special happy birthday, which he is hating me for announcing to you all right now.

MR. KIRBY: You’re a dead man, Sean. (Laughs.)

MODERATOR: With that important announcement, I’ll turn it over to Kirby.

MR. KIRBY: Good morning, everybody. As I think you saw, today we announced that Vice President Harris and the National Security Advisor, Jake Sullivan, will travel to Lucerne, Switzerland, on the 15th of this month to participate in the Summit on Peace in Ukraine.

At that conference, they will underscore the Biden-Harris administration’s commitment to supporting Ukraine’s effort to secure a just and lasting peace based on Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and the principles of the U.N. Charter.

At the summit, the Vice President and Mr. Sullivan will highlight the importance of countries around the world continuing to support Ukraine’s effort to secure a just and lasting peace.

And I think as you all know, this war could end tomorrow if Mr. Putin would simply withdraw his forces from Ukraine. In the meantime, we will continue, and our allies and partners will continue, to support the people of Ukraine as they fight every day to defend themselves against this aggression.

Now, if I could switch to Mexico. We congratulate Claudia Sheinbaum on her historic election as the first woman president of Mexico. President Biden and the team look forward to working closely with President-Elect Sheinbaum and her team.

As noted in the President’s statement that we released this morning, we’re committed to advancing the values and interests of both our nations to the benefit of our peoples.

We also congratulate the Mexican people, of course, for conducting a nationwide successful democratic electoral process involving races for more than 20,000 different positions at the local, state, and federal level. It’s quite an achievement, and we congratulate them on that.

With that, we can take some questions.

MODERATOR: Thank you. For our first question we’ll go to the line of Will Weissert with the Associated Press.

Q Hi there. Happy Birthday again. Thanks so much for doing this.

Why did the President make no mention in Friday’s remarks about — that Israel remains determined to destroy Hamas? Why does the administration think that Hamas would be willing to agree with that huge Israeli caveat? And what other gaps, as Netanyahu referred to them, are there between the U.S. and Israel?

MR. KIRBY: The President has spoken numerous times about the right and responsibility of the Israelis to eliminate the threat that Hamas poses right across their border. Nothing has changed about that. The purpose of the speech was to lay out the details of this recent proposal for a hostage release, a ceasefire, and a potentially — a potential end to hostilities for the long term. And that was the reason he wanted to lay that out for the American people.

But make no mistake — I mean, he remains consistently supportive of Israel’s right and responsibility to go after the threat posed by Hamas.

I didn’t write down all your questions, but I think you asked about — oh, why we think Hamas would go for this.

I think — I would point you to comments that Hamas leaders themselves made on Friday, which was that they were — that they received the President’s speech in a positive way. And now they’ve got this proposal; they got it Thursday night. We’re awaiting an official response by them. And they ought to take the deal. This gives them what they’ve been looking for, which is a ceasefire and, over time, through the phases, the potential withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza.

So they ought to take this deal. It’s very forward-leaning. And it’s good for the people of Gaza, good for the Israeli people. And they just need to move forward on it.

As for the gaps, I don’t know what gaps you’re referring to. I mean, I’ve heard different statements coming out of Israel. The Israeli Foreign Minister himself acknowledged that this was the Israeli proposal, that it was accurately — that it is the Israeli proposal. And we’re confident that it accurately reflects that proposal, a proposal that we worked with the Israelis on. So I know of no gaps to speak of.

MODERATOR: Thank you. For our next question we’ll go to Steve Holland with Reuters.

Q John — and Happy Birthday, John. How did it come about that the President announced an Israeli — a ceasefire plan? And did the Israelis know he was going to do it?

MR. KIRBY: Can you repeat that again?

Q How did it come about that the President announced an Israeli ceasefire plan? And did the Israelis know he was going to do it?

MR. KIRBY: Yes, we informed them that the President was going to speak on the hostage deal before he did, of course.

And to your first question, it’s important to remember this was — it is an Israeli proposal. It’s one that we and they worked on through some intense diplomacy. It’s the result of our own diplomatic efforts with Israel. But it is, in fact, their proposal that they have, again, publicly acknowledged is, in fact, their proposal.

The President felt that it was important to lay it out there publicly. As you know, Steve, we don’t typically go through the details of these kinds of proposals. But in this case, given where we are, given how much longer the hostages have now been held, given the fact that Hamas has reneged on several past occasions on proposals that were sent to them, and given the fact that the Israelis really did work hard to come up with this proposal and did so in good faith, the President felt it was important, for the first time, to publicly lay that out.

The timing was related based on the fact that, the night before, we had given it to Hamas. So that’s what explains a Friday speech, is that Thursday it went to Hamas.

But he thought it was important to lay out the details publicly so that the whole world can see what was in here and the whole world could see how seriously Israel was taking this, and to make it clear that Hamas absolutely needs to accept this proposal. It’s a good one. It gets us six weeks of peace. It gets us the hostages out. It gets us the ability to negotiate for phase two, which would get all the hostages out and a potential cessation of hostilities.

This, as the President said in his speech, is the best way to end this conflict.

MODERATOR: Thank you. For our next question we’ll go with Nick Schifrin from PBS.

Q Hey, John. Happy Birthday. Just going to be (inaudible) —

MR. KIRBY: I’m going to kill Sean Savett. (Laughter.)

Q Quick fact-check elucidation. You’ve said twice now Hamas received the proposal Thursday night. Can you just confirm that was — it’s a proposal in writing that they got?

And my two major —

MR. KIRBY: Correct.

Q Okay, got it. Great.

And two major questions. Have you received any Israeli assurance that an agreement agreed to by the war cabinet would be authorized by the full cabinet?

And a senior administration official on Friday night told us it was, quote, “minor differences” between this draft and what Hamas had put forward. Don’t suppose you can detail what those minor differences are? Thanks.

MR. KIRBY: No, I really can’t. I don’t want to go into any more detail than the President did. And quite frankly, I hope you would agree the President actually laid out a lot of detail in terms of the phases and what each phase would produce.

But for those minor differences, I think it’s best if I don’t go there.

I’ll let the Israelis speak to their internal domestic politics. This is an Israeli proposal. The Foreign Minister himself acknowledged that. The Prime Minister has acknowledged that. This is their proposal. I’ll let them speak to internally how they arrived at it. But as I told Steve, it was certainly the result of a lot of diplomacy between them and our team over recent weeks.

MODERATOR: Thank you. For our next question we’ll go with MJ Lee from CNN.

Q Hi, John. Happy Birthday. And thanks for spending a part of your birthday with us.

First of all, just on the ceasefire deal, can you quickly confirm whether it is correct that the ball is in Hamas’s court right now?

MR. KIRBY: First of all, there’s no other place I’d rather be on my birthday than with all of you.

And secondly, yes, it is fair to say that the ball is in Hamas’s court.

Q Okay. And I was hoping you could help us make sense of the Prime Minister’s response to the President’s speech on Friday. So, the Prime Minister said that there can be no permanent ceasefire until the destruction of Hamas’s military and governing capabilities, among other things. The President said in his speech last week that Hamas has been degraded to such a point that it couldn’t again perpetrate another October 7th-like attack. So are they not seeing eye to eye on this?

MR. KIRBY: I think I’m going to let the Prime Minister characterize his public comments. What I can tell you is that we’ve had a lot of diplomatic conversations with the Israelis in recent weeks, during which or after which we arrived — they arrived at this proposal, their proposal, again, as a result of a lot of diplomacy between us. We’re comfortable that it represents fairly and honestly an Israeli proposal, a very forward-leaning Israeli proposal. And we’re confident that Hamas needs to take it.

I want to make — put a punctuation point on this one point, because it came up in the first question. There is no question at all that we don’t want to see Hamas pose a threat to the Israeli people. We absolutely agree with the Prime Minister that Hamas and their ability to conduct that kind of an attack again must be prevented, and that Israel has a right and a responsibility to go after that threat and prevent another October 7.

The President said clearly on Friday that, from a military perspective, we don’t assess that Hamas can conduct another October 7. We didn’t say — he didn’t say that that doesn’t mean that Israel can’t continue to go after the threat as appropriate. As a matter of fact, as you and I are speaking, they are still operating in Rafah and trying to put pressure on those leaders and some of those military units there. And we understand that.

But now’s the time, as they have militarily degraded Hamas to the point where they can’t right now conduct another October 7th — now, as they continue to put pressure on these leaders and these units in Rafah, now is the time to move forward to the next stage here, get phase one of this in place, get at least some of the hostages out, get a six-week ceasefire, get 600 trucks in a day so that we can get to phase two and a permanent cessation of hostilities.

Again, I won’t speak for the Prime Minister’s comments and why he said what he said. All I can tell you is this proposal is an Israeli proposal. It is the result of intense diplomacy between our two teams. The President characterized it accurately. And now it’s up to Hamas to accept it.

Q And just quickly, you said the Israelis did get a heads up that the President would be making his speech on Friday. Did they object?

MR. KIRBY: Not that I’m aware of.

MODERATOR: Thank you. For our next question we’ll go with Michelle Jamrisko of Bloomberg. Michelle, you should be able to unmute yourself.

Q Sorry about that. Good morning, Admiral. And let me add my birthday greetings with apologies.

I wanted to get your reaction to OPEC+ members agreeing to extend to next year their output cuts. How are you seeing that from a national security perspective? And how much pressure do you see that putting on prices at the pump for Americans?

MR. KIRBY: Yeah, I would just say that the President remains focused on those prices at the pump for consumers, and they continue to come down. I’m not going to be able to comment on what OPEC does from month to month. Again, our focus is going to be on the price at the pump for consumers. And the President is confident that he’s got the strategies in place to do that. But I won’t be able to comment much more beyond that.

MODERATOR: Thank you. For our next question we’ll go with Andrea Mitchell from NBC.

Q Hi, John. Happy Birthday.

MR. KIRBY: (Laughs.) Thank you.

Q Sorry to chime in.

MR. KIRBY: Thank you.

Q So, could you clarify: The Prime Minister said that he’s never agreed to withdraw from Gaza. The President never said there was a complete withdrawal from Gaza. He said it would be a withdrawal from populated parts of Gaza. Is that an important distinction? Because does that leave Israel with control of those buffer zones that they have now created contrary, actually, to what the U.S. wanted?

MR. KIRBY: Yeah, I think that’s getting a little ahead of where we are right now. You’re right, the proposal calls for a phased withdrawal from populated centers. I think there’s some flexibility in there given the tactical situation in Gaza and what that might look like.

But if we’re able to get to phase one and then phase two, an Israeli withdrawal from population centers is certainly not an insignificant move on their part or for the Palestinian people of Gaza.

But that’s just further afield of where we are right now. What we need right now is for Hamas to accept this proposal.

Q And let me ask you a couple of other things just very quickly. Clearly, it does not address the number of Palestinian prisoners or their identities, which are always a huge obstacle. I mean, that’s — understandably, you’re not in that kind of detail yet, but that’s something that would be a hurdle. But it also does not address a pathway to a day after or a Palestinian state or Palestinian governance, which was always part of Secretary Blinken’s, you know, initial proposals that he got acceptance from, from all of the Arab states, in a trip to eight different Arab countries several months ago.

MR. KIRBY: Yes, Andrea, you’re right. So, first of all, on the ratio of prisoners and hostages — to hostages, I mean, that is actually baked into this first-phase proposal. We didn’t offer that level of detail. As I said, the President walked through in great detail but not every detail. And those details are hammered out in that proposal that Hamas has. I’m just not at liberty to go beyond the detail — the level of detail the President displayed for everybody.

On your second question: You’re right, but I would ask you to remember what this is and what it isn’t. This proposal the President talked about is, in fact, an extension of the hostage negotiations that we’ve been engaged in for weeks. It is primarily designed to do three things: get hostages out — again, in a phased approach; get more humanitarian aid in — again, in a phased approach, hopefully up to 600 trucks a day; and then get a ceasefire in place.

In the first phase, it will be a temporary ceasefire, six weeks in duration, to allow the teams and the negotiators to negotiate what phase two looks like. And we don’t know what phase two could look like. All we know is what the President — as the President said on Friday, phase two would entail all the remaining hostages, including male soldiers, getting out — point one; and point two, a set of circumstances that would lead to a cessation of hostilities, comma, permanently. That’s what phase two would end in.

And that’s really what this was about. That was the bounds of it, the left and right side of it that the President talked about. It doesn’t talk about a two-state solution or what the day-after governance could look like because that’s not what it’s about. It’s really about getting the hostages home.

But that doesn’t mean that we aren’t still working hard on day-after governance or that we’ve given up on the idea of a two-state solution. I think as you saw a week or two ago, I can’t remember now, but press coverage about how close we were to an agreement, a bilateral agreement with the Saudis, a significant bilateral agreement between our two countries that could help set the conditions for bringing Israel in and moving forward on this normalization deal.

So, yes, those things weren’t discussed in the speech. Yes, they are not in this, but that’s because they are not in the proposal that went to Hamas. But again, it does not mean, just because it’s not in that proposal, that we’re not still working those objectives.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Next up we’ll go to Danny Kemp with AFP.

Q Hello?

MODERATOR: Hey, Danny, we can hear you.

Q Great. Thank you. Thanks, Admiral. And Happy Birthday. A couple of things, if I may, very briefly.

The first is just on Ukraine and Vice President Harris attending this conference. Doesn’t it look a bit bad for the President to be skipping this peace summit for Ukraine and going to a glitzy Hollywood event instead?

And secondly, anything you can tell us on any executive orders on migration that might be announced tomorrow? Thanks.

MR. KIRBY: On your second question: No, I’m not going to go there.

On your first question: What looks bad is when we have a supplemental request sitting on Capitol Hill for six months and the House Republicans refuse to move on it, to supply the arms and ammunition that Ukraine needs while they’re getting attacked in the Donbas, and then the Russians decide to start attacking Kharkiv. That’s what looks bad.

There hasn’t been any single leader around the world who has supported Ukraine more, and more stridently, than Joe Biden. And as I said last week, no matter who represents the United States — and oh, by the way, the Vice President is representing the United States of America at this summit — it can’t be said that the United States has in any way walked away from supporting Ukraine.

In fact, this whole peace formulation that President Zelenskyy formulated over a year ago and has been trying to operationalize, he’s been able to do that, able to have these conversations, able to bring other countries to the table because the United States has been so supportive of this peace formula that he has come up with.

And we’re looking forward to having the discussion in Lucerne, both the Vice President and Jake Sullivan, to see what the United States can continue to do to support it.

But you just — I’ve been talking about this war since it began, back when I was at the Pentagon. There is no way that you can look at what Ukraine has been able to do over the last two-plus years and not see the hand of the United States there every single step of the way.

MODERATOR: Thank you. For our next question we’ll go with David Sanger from the New York Times.

Q Thanks. And Happy 40th, John.

MR. KIRBY: (Laughs.)


Q You don’t look a day older than this, but if you stay

in this job, you might. (Laughter.)

MR. KIRBY: I feel a lot older than the birth certificate would say.

Q Yeah, me too.

So two questions for you. One: On Israel, your usual routine would be to say, “We’re not going to make announcements for the Israeli government; it’s up to the Israelis.” How many times have you said this to us? But in this particular incident, the President made a decision to jam the Prime Minister by announcing this for him and then making him try to prevaricate back and forth about whether or not this was really an Israeli proposal, on which he was a lot less clear than, say, as you pointed out, your foreign minister. Was that the intent?

And then I got a quick question on Ukraine.

MR. KIRBY: No, that was not the intent. This wasn’t about jamming the Prime Minister or the war cabinet. This was about laying bare, for the public to see, how well and how faithfully and how assertively the Israelis came up with a new proposal, how it shows how much they really want to get this done.

Really, if anything, this was about putting some public pressure on Mr. Sinwar and Hamas, who has repeatedly refused to accept what Israel has put forward. They simply have not proven willing to take yes for an answer. And every time, the Israelis come back with yes.

Q So why not just let the Israelis announce it and then have the President come out and endorse it and say the ball is in Sinwar’s court? That’s not how you did it.

MR. KIRBY: That’s not how we did it. And as I said, the President felt that where we are in this war, where we are in the negotiations to get the hostages out, that it was time for a different approach and a time to make the proposal public, to try to energize the process here, catalyze a different outcome. The President believed that this was the right approach to do it.

And as I said, the timing was really related to when it was delivered to Hamas, which was the night before.

Q Okay. And on Ukraine: The President obviously, on Thursday, made this decision to allow American arms to be shot into a very limited area of Russia. President Zelenskyy over the weekend thanked him for this and then immediately said: It’s not enough. We’re going to need to have this right throughout much of the rest of Russia; we’re going to need to have it perhaps in other areas.

And we actually heard Secretary Blinken, on the last day of his trip last week, say this may not be the last area that gets approved. Can you help us think through this moment?

MR. KIRBY: Well, I won’t get ahead of decisions that haven’t been made. As you well know, every step of this war — as the war has evolved, the battlefield conditions have changed, we have evolved and we have changed our support to Ukraine. And that’s — I wouldn’t expect that that general approach is going to be any different in coming weeks and months. We’ll see where things go and what the Ukrainians need.

I mean, look, who can blame President Zelenskyy for wanting more stuff and more ability to use that stuff as his country continues to come under attack and as they particularly face a concerted — a still-concerted effort by Russia to endanger Kharkiv, one of their most important cities in the north?

So, I mean, I don’t think it should come as a shock to anybody that President Zelenskyy would be grateful on one hand, but also eager to continue to press his case going forward.

And so we’ll have those talks, we’ll have those conversations with the Ukrainians. Absolutely, we will. And whether it leads to any additional policy changes, I can’t say at this point, but we’re not going to turn our back on what Ukraine needs. And we’re going to continue to try to, again, evolve our support to them as the battlefield evolves as well.

I would just reiterate that the guidance that we just issued late last week that you’re referring to with respect to cross-border counter-fires is specifically focused on Ukraine’s defense against military targets that are just over the border and targets that Russia is using to physically launch offensives against Ukraine proper. It just makes common sense.

And our policy with respect to prohibiting the use of ATACMS, for instance, or long-range strikes, inside of Russia has not changed.

MODERATOR: Thank you. For our next question we’ll go with Karen DeYoung from the Washington Post.

Q Thank you. Can you hear me?

MODERATOR: Yes, we can.

MR. KIRBY: Go ahead, Karen.

Q You mentioned that Israel is still operating in Rafah and this deal doesn’t mean that they can’t continue to go after the threat as appropriate. If Hamas said today or tomorrow, or whenever, “Fine, we accept,” does Israel immediately stop its operations in Rafah and remove its forces from that populated area? Is it simultaneous with the release of hostages? What happens first? And who takes over governance in populated areas in Gaza?

MR. KIRBY: So, as the President laid out on Friday, if Hamas accepts and we can begin phase one, it would, in fact, mean the first batch of hostages are released, again, over a period of time, of course. And over a corresponding period of time, Israel would withdraw its forces from populated centers. It would also mean, as the President said, the end or the cessation of Israeli military operations in Rafah proper. As for how many troops would move back and over what timeframe, I think that all would have to be ironed out.

And how simultaneous it is, you know, with the release of hostages, I don’t have that level of detail. It’s not like a shotgun start here that I know of, but it is all part of phase one.

And your second question was on governance in Rafah? Is

that what you said?

Q In Gaza in general. (Inaudible) withdraw.

MR. KIRBY: That’s what we’re trying to get at here. That’s why — to Andrea’s question, that’s why Secretary Blinken is still working hard. And the President talked about the day after. We’ve got to get to the day after, and we are having conversations —

Q I’m not talking about the day after. I’m talking about phase one. Who takes over in these places when the Israelis withdraw, both in the north and central Gaza and in Rafah?

MR. KIRBY: Well, I think you heard over the — I mean, certainly this is a question really more for the Israelis to speak to, but Defense Minister Gallant made comments in just the last day or so about setting up civilian governance centers in Gaza that would be run by Palestinians who are not affiliated with Hamas. But I’d let them characterize that view a little bit more closely.

Q But the Israelis have proposed this before, and the Palestinians have said the Israelis don’t get to choose. And people — the Palestinians rejected that, rejected Israel establishing this, and said, “You don’t have anything to do with it.” So who decides?

MR. KIRBY: Again, this is the conversation we’re having with the Israelis, will continue to have with them. They’ve proffered some ideas on what that could look like as they would potentially withdraw from Gaza. I’d let them speak to that.

Q And just to (inaudible) now — so you would expect that if Hamas said today, “Fine, we accept the deal,” Israel would immediately begin withdrawing its troops from Rafah (inaudible)?

MR. KIRBY: What I said was —

Q (Inaudible) go after the threat.

MR. KIRBY: What I said was there would be corresponding discussions about the tick-tock and exactly when the hostages would be released, when the prisoners would be released, and then when Israeli forces would begin to move out of population centers. But as our understanding, in phase one, as soon as phase one begins, that operations in Rafah would end. That is our understanding.

MODERATOR: Thank you. We just have time for a couple more. We’ll go to Ron Kampeas with JTA.

Q Oh, thank you for taking my question. First of all, it seems that the crux of the disagreement as to — between the Israelis and you guys on this thing has to do with President Biden saying the proposal says if the negotiations take longer than six weeks for phase one, the ceasefire will still continue as long as negotiations continue. That seems to suggest that basically, you know, the temporary ceasefire is going to be a permanent ceasefire, and the Israelis aren’t able to do anything about it. And so, it’d be interesting to understand how exactly you do understand the transition between phase one and phase two.

And the broader question is that: On October the 10th, the President said “pure, unadulterated evil” has unleashed on this world. And I think what the Israelis want to know is: How can you leave pure, unadulterated evil in place as a part of this deal? Hamas gets to continue to exist, you know, maybe perhaps not in a capacity in which it can carry out an October the 7th, but it’s still there. And I think that — I’d just like you to address that.

MR. KIRBY: Look, I don’t think I can say it any better than the President said, to your first question. During the six weeks of phase one, Israel and Hamas will negotiate the arrangements to get to phase two, which would be — which would represent a cessation of hostilities, a permanent cessation of hostilities.

But there’s an awful lot of work that has to be done to negotiate what phase two looks like. And as the President also said, you know, those negotiations would have to proceed in good faith between Israel and Hamas. And Israel will want to, as they have a right to in these negotiations, make sure that their interests are protected, of course.

And that gets to your second question. We don’t ever want to see another October 7th. We don’t ever want to see, going forward, Gaza under the control of Hamas, whatever post-conflict Gaza governance looks like.

And, yes, I understand we don’t have all that figured out right now. We don’t have all the answers to all that right now. We’re working on it very, very hard. Whatever it looks like, it can’t look like it did on the 6th of October, when Mr. Sinwar had the ability, singlehandedly, to violate a ceasefire that was in place and send his fighters into Israel to slaughter 1,200 people. That can’t happen again.

Now, what that looks like going forward, I can’t tell you right now. But if the essence of your question — and if I don’t get it right, you tell me — but if the essence of the question is, you know, should we expect that Israel should have to live next door to that kind of a terrorist threat, the answer is no, of course not.

MODERATOR: Thank you. We have time for just one more question. We’ll go to Haley Bull with Scripps.

Q Hey. Thank you. And Happy Birthday, John. I wanted to go back to some of Netanyahu’s statements since the President’s announcement. Is there any concern that him so publicly speaking about their insistence of reaching their war objectives is undermining the pressure you’re trying to put on Hamas?

And then, on Ukraine: I know you just outlined all the reasons why the President is such a strong supporter of Ukraine. Given that, why not send him to this peace summit then? Thanks.

MR. KIRBY: On your first question, the short answer is no. It is true that our assessment is that Hamas is militarily not capable of conducting the attacks of October 7th again. It is true that the Israelis have put an enormous amount of pressure on Hamas and have degraded their capabilities in a very significant way, or their military capabilities.

But even as you and I are speaking here, they are still conducting targeted operations inside Rafah because there are still viable threats by Hamas inside Rafah. There are still tunnel networks where they continue to harbor fighters, potentially hold hostages, and certainly store weapons. And they still have a capability down there, and Israel has every right to go after them. They are, and they’re doing it in keeping with the plans that they shared with us, and they’re doing it with capabilities that we continue to provide them to use.

So I simply refuse to accept the premise of the question that the President’s comments with respect to military capabilities of Hamas somehow undermines Israel’s ability to go after them when, in fact, they continue to go after them as you and I are speaking.

And, look, as for the — your second question: As I said before, Ukraine has no stronger champion than President Biden. And the United States has actively participated in every single one of the previous Ukraine peace summits. Every single one. And as I said earlier, we have been the strongest, most staunch supporter of this peace deal that President Zelenskyy put forward.

Since he put it forward, the United States has been trying to find ways to operationalize it. We’re sending the Vice President of the United States and the National Security Advisor to this particular peace summit — again, because of our desire to be represented around that table.

But as I said last week — and, by the way, that alone is high level, very serious representation by the United States.

But as I said last week, no matter who it would have been representing the United States, there can be no question that Ukraine has no stronger backer than the United States. And we’ve proven that time and time and time again over the last two and a half years.

I don’t think you can name another nation that has done as much for Ukraine and for their ability to push back on Russia than the United States. And I don’t think you can name another leader around the world — in fact, I know you can’t name another leader around the world who has done more than President Biden has to back up President Zelenskyy in every single way possible. I mean, my goodness, we were just talking, to David’s question, about the cross-border policy and how that might change. And my answer is that, you know, we’re going to continue these conversations; we’re going to continue to help them do what they have to do.

You can’t name me another foreign leader that’s doing as much as Joe Biden.

MODERATOR: Thank you so much. And thank you all for joining us for our gaggle today. I hope everyone has a good rest of the day, and feel free to send us an email if we didn’t get to your questions.

12:12 P.M. EDT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/06/03/on-the-record-press-gaggle-by-white-house-national-security-communications-advisor-john-kirby-14/

October 17, 2024
Remarks by Vice President Harris on the Death of Yahya Sinwar
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University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
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1:13 P.M. CDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Today, Israel confirmed that Yahya Sinwar, the leader of Hamas, is dead and justice has been served, and the United States, Israel, and the entire world are better off as a result.

Sinwar was responsible for the killing of thousands of innocent people, including the victims of October 7 and hostages killed in Gaza. He had American blood on his hands.

Today, I can only hope that the families of the victims of Hamas feel a sense and measure of relief.

Sinwar was the mastermind of October 7, the deadliest day for the Jewish people since the Holocaust — a terrorist attack that killed 1,200 innocent people and included horrific sexual violence and more than 250 hostages taken into Gaza, including 7 Americans, living and deceased, who remain in captivity; a terrorist attack that triggered a devastating war in Gaza — a war that has led to unconscionable suffering of many innocent Palestinians and greater instability throughout the Middle East.

In the past year, American special operations and intelligence personnel have worked closely with their Israeli counterparts to locate and track Sinwar and other Hamas leaders, and I commend their work.

And I will say to any terrorist who kills Americans, threatens the American people, or threatens our troops or our interests, know this: We will always bring you to justice.

Israel has a right to defend itself, and the threat Hamas poses to Israel must be eliminated.

Today, there is clear progress toward that goal. Hamas is decimated, and its leadership is eliminated.

This moment gives us an opportunity to finally end the war in Gaza, and it must end such that Israel is secure, the hostages are released, the suffering in Gaza ends, and the Palestinian people can realize their right to dignity, security, freedom, and self-determination. And it is time for the day after to begin without Hamas in power.

We will not give up on these goals, and I will always work to create a future of peace, dignity, and security for all.

I thank you all.

END 1:16 P.M. CDT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/10/17/remarks-by-vice-president-harris-on-the-death-of-yahya-sinwar/

October 13, 2024
Remarks by President Biden Before Air Force One Departure | Tampa, FL
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12:35 P.M. EDT

Q Mr. President, where was Governor DeSantis? Did you speak with him while you were here?

THE PRESIDENT: No, I didn’t.

But I — by — by the way, I think we’re making real progress. Everybody seems pretty happy with the way it’s going. We’re not leaving. We’re provi- — we’re going to — the next thing to do, we’re trying to make sure we get the money in there for small businesses; talking to the Congress to see if they can get the money quickly. It’s important.

So, you saw, I mean, Republicans and Democrats are happy with what we’re doing. And so, we’re making progress. We’re making progress.

Q Sir, could you —

Q On the THAAD. Did you — wh- — why did you decide to give the permission for the THAAD to be deployed in Israel?

THE PRESIDENT: To defend Israel.

Q Any — any worries about it?

Q Is the misinformation hurting FEMA’s ability to respond?

12:36 P.M. EDT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/10/13/remarks-by-president-biden-before-air-force-one-departure-tampa-fl/

On October 13, 2024, the US Department of Defense announced that a THAAD battery and crew would be deployed to Israel to help defend against ballistic missile attacks from Iran. The deployment is intended to be temporary and is part of a broader effort to support Israel's air defenses
 

October 09, 2024
Remarks by President Biden During a Call with Jewish Faith Leaders for High Holidays
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2:59 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Well, thank you very much, Rabbi, for that introduction. And before I want to be- — before I begin, I want to say, we’re prepared for another hurricane hitting Florida, and that’s what I’ve been doing and why I had to p- — push back these — this sev- — several times. And I apologize.

I directed my team to do everything we can to save lives and help communities before, during, and after the hurricane — the one that has just passed and this awful one that’s about to hit.

My most important message today is for those who are in impacted areas, please, please listen to your local authorities, follow all safety in- — instructions and evacuation orders. This is serious — very serious.

But now to the events of the day. You know, as the — my friends, the — the rabbis in Delaware who I’ve become friends with over the years, have been engaged with, can tell you, I was one of those lucky Christians who was raised by a — a Christian who was — he had — he understood what was going on.

My dad was what we — you’d call “a righteous Christian.” My dad literally raised us to believe that we had to stand up for the — any community being persecuted, and he used to rage — he used to rage at dinner about why we didn’t bomb the railroad tracks in Auschwitz and why we didn’t — and this is the God’s truth, as the rabbis at home could tell you.

And he used to talk about how we wouldn’t let the — that one ship land and — and — with the Jewish refugees on it at the time, during — during the — Hitler’s era. And, you know, he — he talked about how it was important for people to know what happened and not forget.

And one of the things that it taught me was that I — every one of my children and grandchildren, when they turned the age of 14, we put them on a plane and I flew them to Dachau, because I wanted them to see — want them to see that no one could pretend it wasn’t happening.

You go through — you walk through the gate, and you’ll be liberated. Well, to stand — you see those beautiful homes along the outside of that gate, and you’ll know they had to know. They had to know what was going on. And — and I wanted them to understand. I wanted them to see where the ovens were. I wanted them to know what was going on and — because I wanted them to be aware — aware.

And I think one of the things that I’m about to talk about is — you know, the country has been sort of a — I don’t know how I could say it — has not paid nearly much attention to our hi- — the history that brought us —

But when I went over shortly after the — the second, smaller holocaust, but even more vividly seen by the whole world on the 7th, it was — it was because I wanted to let the world know where I stood and where America stood. And I saw the remnants of what had happened 10 days earlier. I saw — and the — anyway, you all know; you understand it.

But now, this event today — I want to thank you for joining this call, and I apologize for having had to reschedule it.

You know, at my direction, last week, the United States military took unprecedented action again to actively assist the successful defense of Israel. You’ve — you’ve heard me say before that I got very badly criticized as a young senator for saying, “I’m a Zionist.” You don’t have to be a Jew to be a Zionist. It’s not necessary.

And the idea — I firmly believe — without an Israel, every Jew in the world’s security is less stable. I mean that. It doesn’t mean that Jewish leadership doesn’t have to be more progressive than it is, but it does mean it has to exist, and that’s what worries me most about what’s going on now.

You’ve heard me say before that my commitment to the safety of the Jewish people and the security of Israel as the right to exist is independent — independent of that — of everything else. The Jewish state has to remain. It has to remain — the ironclad commitment to it.

In the last three years, it’s been the honor to do this High Holiday with all of you from the White House in a season of joy and a season of pain. And that’s what we’ve been going through: a season of joy and pain.

You know, you are the rock for your people. I want to thank you for all you do every single day for your congregations, for your communities, for our country.

You know, I know this year’s call is very different, and it’s a very — a difficult time for the Jewish community and for Jews around the world. In the midst of the High Holidays, two days ago, we commemorated the first anniversary of October 7th, the deadliest day for Jewish people since the Holocaust.

And a year later, with the trauma and the loss from that day and its aftermath, it’s still raw. It’s hard to memorialize and mourn a tragedy that’s still ongoing. Hostages still in captivity — some American Jews as well; loved ones still in harm’s way; survivors carrying wounds, seen and unseen, that never go away. The families and friends left behind will never, never be the same.

I just spoke with Pres- — Prime Minister Netanyahu for about an hour this morning and offered my condolences on this somber one-year anniversary.

Throughout this year, my wife, Jill, and I, Kamala and Doug mourned along with all of you, including after the appalling execution of the six hostages, including America’s own Hersh Goldberg-Polin, a 24-year-old last week — who just turned — would have turned 24 last week.

My administration is doubling down on our work to secure the release of the remaining hostages, just as we have freed hostages already. And we will not rest until they’re all home.

As you saw just last week, the United States fully supports Israel’s right to defend itself against Iran and all its proxies — Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis. We’re doing everything we can to ease the suffering of all the people from this war against Hamas and that Hamas started.

As Israel’s ambassador to Washington said at the memorial two days ago, quote, “We remember the Jewish commandment that we are all created in the image of God,” and “the loss of innocent life — Israel — Israeli, Palestinian, Lebanese, or others — is a tragedy.” Well, I feel the same way. Far too many civilians have suffered far too much during this year’s conflict.

I also want you to know that I see you, I hear you, I see your pain from the ferocious surge of antisemitism in America and, quite frankly, around the world — absolutely despicable. And I hope we h- — we learned a lesson from our parents’ generation. We have to stand up. We have to call it out. It has to be stopped.

In America, we respect and protect the fundamental right of free speech to protest peacefully. But there is no place — emphasize, no place — anywhere in America — none — for antisemitism, hate speech, or threats of violence of any kind against the Jews or anyone else.

Long before October the 7th — long before — I launched the first National Security [Strategy] to Counter Antisemitism in American history — the first time in American history. Vice President Harris and I and our entire administration are aggressively implementing that commitment.

Since we took office, we secured a record of over $800 million for the physical security of nonprofits, including synagogues, Jewish community centers, Jewish day schools all around the country.

Since October 7, ‘23 — in 2023, we’ve secured an additional $400 million — the largest single increase ever in funding — ever.

And we have concrete evidence that our historic assistance is making an impact and the investment matters.

The Department of Education has put our colleges on notice about something that should be obvious to everyone — that antisemitism is discrimination. Say it again: Antisemitism is discrimination and prohibited under Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.

And the Department of Homeland Security has proved — provided resources to train campus law enforcement, administrators on how to ensure Jewish students are safe on campus. And we’re going to keep working to ensure — ensure that Jewish students can get their education free of intimidation and harassment.

The Department of Justice is also moving swiftly to investigate and prosecute antisemitic hate crimes and hold the perpetrators accountable.

We encourage you, as members of your community, to please report incidences to local law enforcement.

My administration is calling on the social media companies to adopt a zero-tolerance policy toward antisemitism and other hateful content, including the vile antisemitic attacks online that we’ve seen in recent days against public officials leading responses to recovery efforts to Hurricane Helene and Hurricane Milton.

You know, it’s appalling, but we — it must end now. We have to speak and end it now.

Globally, our nation’s first ambassador to the level of special envoy and to monitor and combat antisemitism is Deb- — Debor- — Deborah Lipstadt — Lipstadt. And Deborah has mobilized more than 40 countries and international organizations to support our new guidelines for countering antisemitism around the world. And this matters, but I know there’s so much more to do.

And let me assure you as your president that you are not alone. You belong, always — always have, always will be, and always must be protected.

From the inception of our nation, Jewish Americans have enriched every part of American life. Let me say that again. From our very inception as a nation, Jewish Americans have enriched every part of American life, and you’re going to continue to do so for many years to come.

Let me close with this. I think about the wisdom I’ve learned from Jewish communities in Delaware and across the country that I’ve gotten to know over the years. It seems to me there is a delicate yet profound balance between joy and pain to the High Holidays.

Rosh Hashanah is a day of celebration in the Je- — of — for the Jewish New Year. But it’s also a day of judgment.

Similarly, Yom Kippur is the most solemn day in the Jewish calendar, yet Jewish scholars say it’s also the happiest day because it’s a time of — for forgiveness and for renewal.

And in two weeks, you celebrate another holiday for the singing and dancing of the — for — for the Torah. You know, I know you’ll do so with profound sorrow in your soul because, last year, that holiday was shattered by October the 7th.

From my perspective, Jewish people have embodied this duality of pain and joy for generations. It’s your strength. The Jewish people have always chosen to find joy and happiness and light, despite centuries of suffering, persecution, and pain.

That’s the ending and — of what — this — look, this is — is enduring — it’s an enduring lesson and legacy for the Jewish people and for all of America to understand.

So, thank you for continuing to find joy in the darkness and shine your light on the nation and on the world.

God bless you all. And may you have a happy New Year.

3:11 P.M. EDT
https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/10/09/remarks-by-president-biden-during-a-call-with-jewish-faith-leaders-for-high-holidays-2/
 


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Intense Israeli military operations have continued in Gaza as UN humanitarians reported that multiple attempts to deliver lifesaving aid to besieged areas in the north of the enclave had been either “denied or impeded”.

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The Security Council held three high-stakes high-level meetings on Monday in New York, with the United Kingdom's Foreign Secretary David Lammy presiding. Russia vetoed a draft resolution to protect civilians in Sudan, with ambassadors meeting next on Gaza and Lebanon, followed by another forthright debate on Ukraine. UN News app users can follow here.

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November 26, 2024
Remarks by President Biden Announcing Cessation of Hostilities Between Israel and Hezbollah
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3:38 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon.

Today, I have some good news to report from the Middle East. I just spoke with the prime minister of Israel and Lebanon, and I’m pleased to announce that their governments have accepted the United States’ proposal to end the devastating conflict between Israel and Hezbollah.

And I want to thank President Macron of France for his partnership in reaching this moment.

For nearly 14 months, a deadly conflict raged across the border that separates Israel and Lebanon — a conflict that began the day after the October 7th attack by Hamas on Israel. Hours later, at 2:00 a.m. in the morning, Hezbollah and other terrorist organizations backed by Iran attacked Israel in support of Hamas.

Let’s be clear: Israel did not launch this war. The Lebanese people did not seek that war either, nor did the United States.

Over the past year, including in the days immediately ta- — following October the 7th, I directed the U.S. military to flow assets and capabilities into the region, including aircraft carriers, fighter squadrons, and sophisticated air defense battery to defend Israel and deter our common enemy at critical moments.

Since the war with Hezbollah began, over 70,000 Israelis have been forced to live in refugee — li- — live as refugees in their own country, helplessly watching their homes, their businesses, their communities as they were bombarded and destroyed. And over 300,000 Lebanese people have also been forced to live as refugees in their own country in a war imposed on them by Hezbollah.

All told, this has been the deadliest conflict between Israel and Hezbollah in decades.

How many of Hezbollah’s senior leaders are dead, including its longtime leader Nasrallah? And Israel has — and Israel has destroyed Hezbollah’s terrorist infrastructure in southern Lebanon as well, including miles of sophisticated tunnels, which were prepared for an October 7th-style terrorist attack in northern Israel.

But lasting security for the people of Israel and Lebanon cannot be achieved only on the battlefield. And that’s why I’ve directed my team to work with the governments of Israel and Lebanon to forge a ceasefire to bring the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah to a close.

Under the deal reached today, effective at 4:00 a.m. tomorrow local time, the fighting across the Lebanese-Israeli border will end — will end. This is designed to be a permanent cessation of hostilities.

What is left of Hezbollah and other terrorist organizations will not be allowed — will — I emphasize — will not be allowed to threaten the security of Israel again.

Over the next 60 days, the Lebanese Army and the State Security Forces will deploy and take control of their own territory once again. Hezbollah terrorist infrastructure in southern Lebanon will not be allowed to be rebuilt.

And over the next 60 days, Israel will gradually withdraw its remaining forces and civilians — civilians on both sides will soon be able to safely return to their communities and begin to rebuild their homes, their schools, their farms, their businesses, and their very lives.

We’re determined this conflict will not be just another cycle of violence. And so, the United States, with the full support of France and our other allies, has pledged to work with Israel and Lebanon to ensure that these arra- — this — this arrangement is fully implemented — the agreement totally implemented.

You know, there will be no U.S. troops deployed in southern Lebanon. This is consistent with my commitment to the American people to not put U.S. troops in combat in this conflict.

Instead, we, along with France and others, will provide the necessary assistance to make sure this deal is implemented fully and effectively.

Let us — let me be clear: If Hezbollah or anyone else breaks the deal and poses a direct threat to Israel, then Israel retains the right to self-defense consistent with international law, just like any country when facing a terrorist group pledged to that country’s destruction.

At the same time, this deal supports Lebanon’s sovereignty. And so, it heralds a new start for Lebanon — a country that I’ve seen most of over the years, a country with rich history and culture. If fully implemented, this deal can put Lebanon on a path toward a future that’s worthy of its significant past.

And just as the Lebanese people deserve a future of security and prosperity, so do the people of Gaza. They too deserve an end to the fighting and displacement.

The people of Gaza have been through hell. Their word — their world is absolutely shattered. Far too many civilians in Gaza have suffered far too much. And Hamas has refused, for months and months, to negotiate a good-faith ceasefire and a hostage deal.

And so, now Hamas has a choice to make. Their only way out is to release the hostages, including American citizens which they hold, and, in the process, bring an end to the fighting, which would make possible a surge of humanitarian li- — relief.

Over the coming days, the United States will make another push with Turkey, Egypt, Qatar, Israel, and others to achieve a ceasefire in Gaza with the hostages released and the end to the war without Hamas in power — that it becomes possible.

As for the broader Middle East region, today’s announcement brings us closer to realizing the affirmative agenda that I’ve been pushing forward during my entire presidency: a vision for the future of the Middle East where it’s at peace and prosperous and integrated across borders; a future where Palestinians have a state of their own, one that fulfills its people’s legitimate aspirations and one that cannot threaten Israel or harbor terrorist groups with backing from Iran; a future where Israelis and Palestinians enjoy equal measures of security, prosperity, and — yes — dignity.

To that end, the United States remains prepared to conclude a set of historic deals with Saudi Arabia to include a security pact and economic assurances together with a credible pathway for establishing a Palestinian state and the full — the full normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel — a desire they both have.

I believe this agenda remains possible. And in my remaining time in office, I will work tirelessly to advance this vision of — for an integrated, secure, and prosperous region, all of which — all of which strengthens America’s national security.

Getting all this done will require making some hard choices.

Israel has been told on the — has been bold on the battlefield. Iran and its proxies have paid a very heavy price.

Now Israel must be bold in turning tactical gains against Iran and its proxies into a coherent strategy that secure Israel’s long-term — its long-term safety and advances a broader peace and prosperity in the region.

Today’s announcement is a critical step in advancing that vision. And so, I applaud the courageous decision by the leaders of Lebanon and Israel to end the violence.

It reminds us that peace is possible. Say that again: Peace is possible. As long as that is the case, I will not for a single moment stop working to achieve it.

God bless you all. And sorry to keep you waiting so long. May God protect our troops.

Thank you.

Q Mr. President, will you get a ceasefire in Gaza before leaving office?

THE PRESIDENT: You ask me how I get a ceasefire in — I think so. I’m hoping. I’m praying.

Q How is this push any different from the previous ones?

THE PRESIDENT: If you don’t see that, you shouldn’t be reporting. It’s a lot different.

3:46 P.M. EST

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/11/26/remarks-by-president-biden-announcing-cessation-of-hostilities-between-israel-and-hezbollah/
 

Smoke rises from a building following an airstrike in the southern suburbs of Beirut. (file)
UNICEF/Dar al Mussawir/Ramzi
Lebanon: UN rights chief adds voice to immediate ceasefire call
26 November 2024 Peace and Security
UN human rights chief Volker Türk lent his weight to growing ceasefire calls in Lebanon on Tuesday, as senior Israeli cabinet members were reportedly due to meet on a deal to end more than a year of conflict with Hezbollah militants, sparked by the war in Gaza.
 

In Gaza, the first rains of the winter season mean even more suffering with many areas at risk of flooding.
UNRWA
Middle East crisis: Live updates for 26 November
26 November 2024 Peace and Security
With all eyes on a possible ceasefire deal between Israel and Hezbollah militants in Lebanon, UN humanitarians have condemned the ongoing violence in Lebanon, Gaza, and Israel. Meanwhile, at UN Headquarters in New York, a special meeting was held to mark the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People. UN News app users can follow here.

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UN News Today 27 November 2024
27 November 2024 UN News Today
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Gazans line up to fetch food assistance in the enclave where hunger levels have skyrocketed since the conflict erupted in October 2023.
UNIFEED
Middle East crisis: Live updates for 29 November
29 November 2024 Peace and Security
As families in Lebanon begin returning home under a ceasefire deal between Israel and Hezbollah, UN humanitarians have flagged “staggering” needs in devastated communities, while in Gaza, relentless bombardment and deprivation continue to take a heavy toll. Follow our live coverage of the Middle East crisis. UN News app users can follow here

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UN News Today 29 November 2024
29 November 2024 UN News Today
Escalating fighting in El Fasher, in Sudan’s North Darfur State threatens aid delivery, says OCHA
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November 18, 2024
Remarks by President Biden During the First Session of the G20 Summit | Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
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Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

11:26 A.M. BRT

THE PRESIDENT: (In progress) everyone around this table. It’s going to take all of us — time. It’s going to take all of us and the ability to step up to take on responsibility.

First — it seems to me there’s certain key steps. First, we have to invest at large scale to help countries meet Sustainable Development Goals and tackle gloma- — global challenges. We’ve made good progress boosting the firepower of multilateral development banks so they have more resources to address the challenges like pandemics and climate change.

Now we need to make sure the World Bank can continue its work in the most vulnerable countries. I’m proud to announce the United States is pledging $4 billion over the next three years to the World Bank’s International Development Association. As my friend Ajay tells you, the IDA is a first responder to the world’s poorest countries. I encourage everyone around this table to increase their pledges in December.

In addition, we have to mobilize private capital at scale. I’m proud of my country’s work in this fund, including mobilizing $60 billion through the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. That partnership will be a game changer for food security, especially in the Lobito Corridor in Africa.

Second, debt relief. Too many nations are fo- — forced to choose between investing in the future and paying off their debt. That’s why, earlier this year, I came together with Kenya to announce the Nairobi-Washington Vision.

It boils down to a simple proposition. For countries that are willing to make bold reforms and smart investments, we should do three things: mobilize more resources from the multilateral developments banks; two, unlock low-cost private-sector financing; and three, commit the following money into the- — to flowing money into these countries rather than taking it out during their need — their moments of need. And I want to note: All creditors must play a role, in my view.

Finally, we all have to work to end the conflicts and crises that are eroding progress in food security around the world.

Ukraine. The United States strongly supports Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Everyone around this table, in my view, should as well.

And, by the way, Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine led to the highest-record food crisis in all of history.

On Gaza. As I’ve said before, Israel has the right to defend itself after the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust, but how it defends itself — even as Hamas cruelly hides among civilians — matters a great deal.

The United States has led the world in humanitarian aid to Gaza, and we’re going to keep pushing to accelerate a ceasefire deal that ensures Israel’s security but brings hostages home and ends the suffering of the Palestinian people and children.

I ask everyone here to increase their pressure on Hamas that is currently refusing this deal.

And on Sudan. We’re seeing one of the world’s most humani- — serious humanitarian crisis: 8 million people on the brink of famine. This deserves our collective outrage and our collective attention. External actors must stop arming generals and speak with one voice to tell them, “Stop tearing your country apart. Stop blocking aid to the Sudanese people. Stop the violence.”

Let me close with this. As you know, this is my last G20 Summit. We’ve made progress together, but I urge you to keep going — and I’m sure you will, regardless of my urging or not.

This group is — within — has within its power to usher in a new era of sustainable development, to go from billions to trillions in assistance to those who — most in need.

This all may sound lofty, but this group can lay the foundation to make that achievable.

Thank you very much, and I look forward to the rest of our discussion. (Applause.)

11:32 A.M. BRT

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/11/18/remarks-by-president-biden-during-the-first-session-of-the-g20-summit-rio-de-janeiro-brazil/

Well, Mr. President, welcome back to the Oval Office and the White House. You’ve been a friend for a long time, a personal friend. And you know my commitment to Israel is ironclad and we share a deep friendship.

I want to thank you again for being here, and the floor is yours.

PRESIDENT HERZOG: Thank you, Mr. President. It’s always a great honor to be here in the Oval Office and be — to be with a friend such as you, Mr. President
.

November 12, 2024
Remarks by President Biden and President Isaac Herzog of the State of Israel Before a Meeting
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11:55 A.M. EST

Q President Biden, do you think we can get a hostage deal by the end of your term?

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Do you think you can keep from getting hit in the head by a — a camera behind you?

All right. Well, thank you all.

Well, Mr. President, welcome back to the Oval Office and the White House. You’ve been a friend for a long time, a personal friend. And you know my commitment to Israel is ironclad and we share a deep friendship.

I want to thank you again for being here, and the floor is yours.

PRESIDENT HERZOG: Thank you, Mr. President. It’s always a great honor to be here in the Oval Office and be — to be with a friend such as you, Mr. President.

I will start, of course, with the sad news of the day. In the last two hours, two Israelis were mor- — murdered by rocket attacks from Lebanon in the t- — northern town of Nahariya, a beautiful seashore town in the northern part of Israel. Early in the day, a kindergarten teacher of a kindergarten of special needs — childrens with special needs — rescued, bravely and wisely, the toddlers in the kindergarten from a drone attack. A drone exploded in the kindergarten.

This is what we’re going through from Lebanon, Mr. President, and you know it all too well. We are fighting hard. We’re defending our people, our brave soldiers and pilots. And I know that you’re working very hard to make sure that this war will end and that will — there will be, first and foremost, security for the people of Israel as well as for the people of Lebanon.

And in Gaza, we have 101 hostages. Over 400 days, I know, Mr. President, that you know you — you are day-in, day-out, actively seeking their surf- — safe return home as they are going through hell in the dungeons of Gaza.

Clearly, you’re thinking and working about the day after as well, which perhaps should be a trajectory of hope to the people of the region and the ability to have our neighbors, as well as us, live in security and peace.

But first and foremost, we have to get the hostages back home.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: I agree.

PRESIDENT HERZOG: And it all starts in Tehran. It all starts in the empire of evil, where in Tehran, with its proxies, they are doing whatever they can to re- — derail stability and security and peace, calling for the annihilation of the State of Israel and seeking nuclear weapons.

And, Mr. President, this has to be a major objective all throughout your term and the next term of the next president because we have to make sure that they cannot fulfill their evil intentions.

They’re also a major engine of antisemitism, Mr. President. And I know how much you put a focus on fighting and combating anti- — antisemitism.

But most importantly, I’m here on behalf of the people of Israel and the nation of Israel and the State of Israel to say to you, Mr. President, thank you very much. As we say in Hebrew, toda raba.

You have been an incredible friend of Israel and the Jewish people for decades, and we will never forget, ever in history, how you stood up with us in our darkest hour, which became our finest hour — how you came to Israel a few days after the barbaric attack of October 7th, how you helped us and supported us with words and deeds.

And I want to express my — our heartfelt thanks to you, Mr. President, which is a great legacy that you stood up with the Jewish people and the State of Israel, as al- — you always did.

So, I brought you a little gift —

PRESIDENT BIDEN: It’s a magnificent gift.

PRESIDENT HERZOG: — which is an archeological artifact from the foot of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, which has the word “Joseph” — Yosef. And as you know, in the Bible, it is — says that Joseph will strengthen Israel. And clearly, Mr. President, you’ve done it.

Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, I hope my father heard that. He’d be — my father was what we call a righteous Christian. He couldn’t understand why we didn’t move more rapidly back in World War II (inaudible). Any rate. I —

PRESIDENT HERZOG: I think that was a great legacy with — of your father.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, it was. And I remember how I got in trouble — we were friends even back then — when I said — years ago, as a senator, I said, “You don’t have to be a Jew to be a Zionist.” I’m a Zionist.

PRESIDENT HERZOG: And I know you are.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: And it’s really —

PRESIDENT HERZOG: You’re clearly a Zionist, Mr. President.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, God love you.

PRESIDENT HERZOG: Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Thanks for being here, pal.

12:00 P.M. EST

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/11/12/remarks-by-president-biden-and-president-isaac-herzog-of-the-state-of-israel-before-a-meeting/

Trump dines with Sara Netanyahu in Florida
According to Netanyahu, the two discussed several topics, including the hostages in Gaza as well as the strategic importance of Israel’s victory in the war against Iran and its proxies.

Israel National News
  Dec 2, 2024, 9:40 AM (GMT+2)
Donald Trump
Sara Netanyahu

United States President-elect Donald Trump had dinner on Sunday evening with the Prime Minister's wife Sara Netanyahu at Trump International Golf Course in West Palm Beach, Florida.

According to a post by Netanyahu, during the meeting which she said was warm and friendly, she congratulated the President on his victory in the elections.

She wrote that "we discussed many topics, including the steadfast friendship between Israel and the United States and the importance of continuing to nurture the unique bond between our nations. I also brought to the President’s attention the immense suffering Israel endured on October 7th and the inhumanity of Hamas terrorists holding our citizens hostage under harsh conditions. I emphasized the urgent need to act for their release and swift return."

Netanyahu added: "We also discussed the strategic importance of Israel’s victory in the fight against the axis of evil, for a more stable and secure future in the Middle East and around the world."

Netanyahu is on a 20-day trip to Florida to visit her son Yair Netanyahu, who has resided in Miami over the past year and a half.https://www.israelnationalnews.com/news/400084

"Over the past year, including in the days immediately ta- — following October the 7th, I directed the U.S. military to flow assets and capabilities into the region, including aircraft carriers, fighter squadrons, and sophisticated air defense battery to defend Israel and deter our common enemy at critical moments." -Joe Biden (2024)

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The Middle East crisis continues to deepen, with families in Gaza struggling to secure basic food amid constant displacement, plummeting temperatures, and relentless conflict. Meanwhile, the full-blown war in Syria has reignited, where the status quo has been “radically altered” in recent days, creating an “extremely fluid and dangerous” situation, says the UN Special Envoy there. Violations of the ceasefire in Lebanon are also continuing – we're covering it all live. UN News app users can follow here.
 

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December 08, 2024
Remarks by President Biden on the Latest Developments in Syria
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Roosevelt Room

1:39 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. A lot happening in the Middle East.

After 13 years of civil war in Syria and more than half a century of brutal authoritarian rule by Bashar Assad and his father before him, rebel forces have forced Assad to resign his office and flee the country. We’re not sure where he is, but the- — there’s word that he’s in Moscow.

At long last, the Assad regime has fallen. This regime brutalized and tortured and killed literally hundreds of thousands of innocent Syrians.

A fall of the regime is a fundamental act of justice. It’s a moment of historic opportunity for the long-suffering people of Syria to build a better future for their proud country.

It’s also a moment of risk and uncertainty. As we all turn to the question of what comes next, the United States will work with our partners and the stakeholders in Syria to help them seize an opportunity to manage the risks.

You know, for years, the main backers of Assad have been Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia. But over the last week, their support collapsed — all three of them — because all three of them are far weaker today than they were when I took office. And let’s remember why.

After Hamas attacked Israel on October the 7th, 2023, when much of the world responded with horror, Iran and its proxies chose to launch a multi-front war against Israel. That was a historic mistake on Iran’s part.

Today, Iran’s main territorial proxy, Hezbollah, is also on its back.

Only 12 days ago, I spoke from the Rose Garden about the ceasefire deal in Lebanon — a deal that was only possible because Hezbollah has been badly degraded. Meanwhile, Hamas has been da- — badly degraded as well.

Iran’s own military capabilities have been weakened. Iran tried two times to attack Israel, and the United States and — built a coalition of countries to directly defend Israel and help defeat those attacks.

All this made possible for Iran and Hezbollah to continue to prop up — impossible, I should say, for them to prop up the Assad regime.

Additionally, Russia’s support for Assad also failed. And that’s because Ukraine, backed by our American allies, has put up a wall of resistance against the invading Russian forces, inflicting massive damage on the Russian forces. And that has left Russia unable to protect its main ally in the Middle East.

(Coughs.) Excuse my cold.

The upshot for all this is, for the first time ever, neither Russia nor Iran nor Hezbollah could defend this abhorrent regime in Syria. And this is a direct result of the blows that Ukraine, Israel have delivered upon their own self-defense with unflagging support of the United States.

And over the past four years, my administration pursued a clear, principled policy towards Syria.

First, we made clear from the start sanctions on Ira- — on Ira- — Assad would remain in place unless he engaged seriously in a political process to end the civil war, as outlined under the U.N. Security Council resolution passed in 2015. But Assad refused, so we carried out a comprehensive sanction program against him and all those responsible for atrocities against the Syrian people.

Second, we maintained our military presence in Syria. Our counter-ISIS — to counter the support of local partners as well on the ground — their partners — never ceding an inch of territory, taking out leaders of ISIS, ensuring that ISIS can never establish a safe haven there again.

Third, we’ve supported Israel’s freedom of action against Iranian networks in Syria and against actors aligned with Iran who transported lethal aid to Lebanon, and, when necessary, ordered the use of military force against Iranian networks to protect U.S. forces.

Our approach has shifted the balance of power in the Middle East. Through this combination of support for our partners, sanctions, and diplomacy and targeted military force when necessary, we now see new opportunities opening up for the people of Syria and for the entire region.

Looking ahead, the United States will do the following: First, we’ll support Syria’s neighbors — including Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, and Israel — should any threat arise from Syria during this period of transition. I will speak with leaders of the region in the coming days. I had long discussions with all of our people earlier this morning. And I’ll send senior officials from my administration to the region as well.

Second, we will help stability — ensure stability in eastern Syria, protecting any personnel — our personnel against any threats. And it will remain — our mission against ISIS will be maintained, including the security of detention facilities where ISIS fighters are being held as prisoners. We’re clear-eyed about the fact that ISIS will try to take advantage of any vacuum to reestablish its capability and to create a safe haven. We will not let that happen.

In fact, just today, U.S. forces conducted a dozen of precision strikes — air strikes within Syria targeting ISIS camps and ISIS operatives.

Third, we will engage with all Syrian groups, including within the process led by the United Nations, to establish a transition away from the Assad regime toward independent, sovereign — an independent — independent — I want to say it again — sovereign Syria with a new constitution, a new government that serves all Syrians. And this process will be determined by the Syrian people themselves.

And the United States will do whatever we can to support them, including through humanitarian relief, to help restore Syria after more than a decade of war and generations of brutality by the Assad family.

And finally, we will remain vigilant. Make no mistake, some of the rebel groups that took down Assad have their own grim record of terrorism and humanit- — human right abuses. We’ve taken note of statements by the leaders of these rebel groups in recent days. And we’re — they’re saying the right things now, but as they take on greater responsibility, we will assess not just their words, but their actions.

And as — we are mindful — we are mindful that there are Americans in Syria, including those who reside there, as well as Austin Tice, who was taken captive more than 12 years ago. We remain committed to returning him to his family.

As I’ve said, this is a moment of considerable risk and uncertainty, but I also believe this is the best opportunity in generations for Syrians to forge their own future free of opposition.

It’s also an opportunity, through far from certain — though it’s far from certain, for a more secure and prosperous Middle East, where our friends are safe, where our enemies are contained. And it would be a waste of this historic opportunity if one tyrant were toppled and only a — only to see a new one rise up in its place. So, it’s now incumbent upon all the opposition groups who seek a role in governing Syria to demonstrate their commitment to the rights of all Syrians, the rule of law, and the protection of religious and ethnic minorities.

These past few days have been historic, and, you know, it’s in the days ahead that will determine the future of a — this country, and we intend to approach them with strength, wisdom, and resolve.

So, thank you very much. God bless America. And God protect our troops.

Thank you.

Q What should happen to Assad now, Mr. President?

(Cross-talk.)

Q What does the U.S. know about where Austin Tice might be and if he’s safe?

THE PRESIDENT: We believe he’s alive. We think we can get him back, but we have no direct evidence of that yet.

And Assad should be held accountable.

Q Have you directed an operation to go get him, Mr. President?

THE PRESIDENT: Get who?

Q Austin Tice.

THE PRESIDENT: We have to — we — we want to get him out. We —

Q Yes, sir.

THE PRESIDENT: — we have to identify where he is.

Thank you.

1:49 P.M. EST

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2024/12/08/remarks-by-president-biden-on-the-latest-developments-in-syria/
 

 

Aftermath of shelling in Aleppo (file)
UNOCHA/Ali Haj Suleiman
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December 11, 2023
Remarks by President Biden at a Hanukkah Holiday Reception
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East Room

7:24 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: Well, Rabbi, thank you. And thank you for your blessings.

You know, thank you, Doug and the staff, for lighting this special White House menorah.

As Doug said, that was from a piece of material from one of the beams in the White House. And I thought it’s about time we had a permanent menorah here in the White House. (Applause.)

And to all of you, this means so much to Jill and me and to Doug and Kamala that you’re here.

You know, I also want to thank — special thanks to my buddy right — standing right here in the front: Chuck Schumer. (Applause.) Chuck is our leader in the Senate. He’s a great leader and recently delivered a powerful and historic speech — and I mean it, powerful and historic — combating antisemitism. I encourage everyone to read it. Everyone in America should read it.

Chuck, thank you, pal. You’re always standing up. (Applause.)

The Talmud says, “What comes from the heart, goes to the heart.” That’s the warmth and kinship I feel so deeply with the Jewish community.

I got in trouble — got criticized very badly by the southern part of my state and some of the southern parts of the country when, 35 years ago, I said, “You don’t have to be a Jew to be a Zionist, and I’m a Zionist.” (Laughter and applause.) And, by the way, you don’t have to be a Jew to be a Zionist.

Hanukkah is a timeless story of miracles. Think about it. You know, from the Maccabees defeating one of the — history’s most powerful empires, on — on oil lasting eight days was a miracle all by itself. The flame of faith that endures from tragedy to persecution to survival and to hope, that’s what a — that’s what it survives to: survival and hope.

But we know this year’s Hanukkah is different.

It’s been 65 years [days] since the deadliest day of the Jewish people since the Holocaust — 65 years [days]. Most of you — and I met — I got to meet with five [Holocaust] survivors downstairs — that’s why we’re a little bit late — five survivors in each of the camps.

I’ve taken all my children when they turn 14 years of age. My — my three children who lived and my five grandchildren, when they’re 14 years old, I put them on a plane, I take them to Dachau because I want them to see. I want them to spend the day there and see.

You can’t pretend you don’t know. Silence is complicity.

Most of you know someone directly or indirectly — a family, a friend — that was stolen from you or wounded, traumatized, or called up in the reserves in this last attack in Israel.

As I said after the attack, my commitment to the safety of the Jewish people, the security of Israel, and its right to exist is independent Jew- — as an independent Jewish state is un- — just unshakeable.

Folks, were there no Israel, there wouldn’t be a Jew in the world who was safe — were there no Israel. (Applause.) (Inaudible.)

And I make no bones about it. I’ve had my differences with some Israeli leadership. I’ve known Bibi for now 51 years. He has a picture on his desk of he and I when he was a young member of the Israeli s- — service here — foreign service, and I was a 32-year-old senator. And I wrote on the top of it, “Bibi, I love you, but I don’t agree with a damn thing you have to say.” (Laughter.)

It’s about the same today. I love him, and — (laughter and applause).

But, look, it’s a tough spot. It’s a tough spot. We continue to provide military assistance to Israel — to — until they get rid of Hamas. (Applause.)

But — but we have to be careful. They have to be careful. The whole world’s public opinion can shift overnight. We can’t let that happen.

We’re working relentlessly for the safe return of the hostages. I’ve personally spent — (applause) — I’ve personally spent countless hours — and I mean it; probably up to 20 hours — with the Qa- — with the Qataris and the Egyptians, the Israelis to secure the freedom of hostages, to get the trucks in, to get the humanitarian aid flowing, to convince them to open the gate, to get — have El Sisi make sure he opened the gate into Egypt.

And there’s a whole range of things going on now that are really very, very difficult and very — but we’ve gotten more than 100 hostages out, and we’re not going to stop until we get every one of them home. (Applause.)

We will continue to lead the world in humanitarian assistance to innocent Palestinian civilians to emphasize to our friends — (applause) — to our Israeli friends we need to protect civilian life.

And let me be clear: Hamas using rape, sexual violence, and terrorism and torture of Israeli women and girls is appalling and unforgiveable. And you should — when I was there, I saw some of the photographs, and it’s beyond — it’s just beyond comprehension. We all have to condemn such brutality without equivocation, without exception.

I al- — (applause) — I also — I also recognize your hurt from the silence and the fear and for your safety, because the surge of antisemitism in the United States of America and around the world is sickening. You know, we see it across our communities in schools and colleges and social media. They surface painful scars from millennia to hate — of hate, to genocide of the Jewish people.

My dad was a righteous Christian, for real. My dad, when he’d come home from work — he was a well-read man, never had a chance to go to college. And he’d come home before he closed down the business — he didn’t own, but he managed — to go back and close it. And the kitchen table was where the — the dinner table is where we had conversation and incidentally ate.

My dad taught us about the horror of the Shoah. He talked about why we didn’t let the ship in, why we didn’t bomb the railroad tracks, and on and on and on. As I said, it awakened in me and my brothers and sisters and our children a sense — and our grandchildren — that — that this can happen again.

Silence is complicity. Silence is complicity.

As I said, that’s why I’ve taken all of my children and grandchildren to Dachau and I — one to Auschwitz.

Look, folks, we just met with Holocaust survivors downstairs, including the widow of a dear friend — of the late Elie Wiesel, who taught us about the perils of indifference.

I think that they experienced only to — what they experienced, only to see what’s happening today.

It’s been clear that our administration stands with them arm in arm in arm. We’re not going to walk away. We’re agress- — (applause) — we’re aggressively — we’re addressing and implementing the first-ever national strategy to combat antisemitism, prosecuting hate crimes — (applause) — prosecuting hate crimes, addressing antisemitism in schools, increasing security around Jewish centers of life, and more.

We’re calling upon all Americans to make clear there is no place for hate in America against Jews — (applause) — and Muslims or anybody else.

I especially want to thank Deborah Lipstadt, the Holocaust expert and the first American Ambassador-level Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism around the world.

It matters.

You know, in this moment, we must hold to the core values that make us Americans: equality, justice, freedom, dignity, respect — values that, from the inception of our nation, have shaped the culture, the contributions, and the values of Jewish Americans, including all of you, including nearly 300,000 Jews who peacefully rallied on the National Mall last month with enormous pride, unity — (applause) — pride, unity, even joy in the face of extraordinary pain.

You embody what the late Rabbi Jonathan Sacks said: A people whose capacity for joy cannot be destroyed [is] itself is [indestructible] — cannot destroy itself. It’s indestructible.

Let me close with this. You know, after October 7th, my father — a father returned to his kibbutz to salvage what he could from his home and what was left in rubble and ruin, the home which hid — which he hid in with his wife and his daughter for 20 hours before being rescued, a home in the same neighborhood where his beloved son was brutally murdered.

But like the ancient Ha- — Hanukkah story, buried [in] piles of shattered glass, burned debris, and bullet-riddled walls, he pulled something from the ashes fully intact: a menorah. That’s now on display in the foyer of this — of this White House, your house, just outside this room.

He gave it to the President of Israel, who lent it to the Ambassador Jack Lew, a symbol — a symbol of the Jewish people that not only survive but heal, rebuild, and continue to shine their light on the world.

A reminder — a reminder to hold on to the miracle of hope and faith. Because when we do, no night is so dark we can’t find light. No night is so dark we can’t find night [light].

No one knows that better than the Jewish people.

So, ladies and gentlemen, Happy Hanukkah. And God bless you all. (Applause.)

7:34 P.M. EST

https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/12/11/remarks-by-president-biden-at-a-hanukkah-holiday-reception/

Middle East crisis: Live updates for 11 December as General Assembly backs UNRWA and demands immediate Gaza ceasefire
11 December 2024 Peace and Security
The General Assembly overwhelmingly adopted two resolutions, demanding a ceasefire in Gaza and calling on Israel to drop its ban on the UN agency for Palestine refugees, UNRWA, following an emergency special session triggered by another use of a veto in the Security Council. Follow the latest from the ground and other key updates from Gaza, Lebanon, Syria and Yemen. App users can follow our live coverage here.

A woman hangs out washing amidst the destruction in Gaza.
WFP
Devastation in Gaza is ‘absolutely staggering’
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Results of the General Assembly vote on the draft resolution A/ES-10/L.33 "Demand for ceasefire in Gaza".
UN Photo/Manuel Elías
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The General Assembly adopted two key resolutions on Wednesday night, demanding an immediate, unconditional, and permanent ceasefire in the Gaza Strip and the release of all hostages. It also reaffirmed its full support for the embattled UN agency for Palestine refugees (UNRWA).

Gazans queue for humanitarian aid.
WFP/Jonathan Dumont
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A UN vehicle passes through Gaza.
WFP/Jonathan Dumont
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Ongoing military operations by Israeli forces in Gaza continue to cause devastation for civilians trying to escape the fighting, with mounting casualties and a critical lack of humanitarian aid for the desperate population.

Gazans are living in temporary shelters in Khan Younis.
 UNRWA
Gaza death toll passes 45,000 as UN school suffers new deadly strike
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Authorities in Gaza reported on Monday that more than 45,000 people have been killed in the enclave in the last 14 months, as humanitarians condemned new deadly airstrikes across the war-torn Strip, including on a UN school-turned-shelter.

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UN News Today 16 December 2024
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People look through the wreckage of a building in Khan Younis, Gaza.
 UNRWA
Horror continues in Gaza, as another UN school is hit
16 December 2024 UN Interviews
A new series of reported Israeli airstrikes and clashes in multiple sites across Gaza at the weekend killed dozens of civilians and left others facing life-changing injuries, UN humanitarians said on Monday.

In one attack in the southern city of Khan Younis, a school was hit, even though it is run by the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, and was sheltering families uprooted by the conflict.

People cross back into Syria from Lebanon through the Masnaa border point.
UNHCR/Ximena Borrazas
Middle East crisis: Live updates as Security Council meets on Syria
17 December 2024 Peace and Security
Senior UN officials have been meeting representatives of the new caretaker authorities in Damascus in the past few days, following the overthrow of the Assad regime. This morning in New York, the Security Council met to discuss the future of Syria, with briefings from the UN Special Envoy and the UN's emergency relief chief. UN News app users can follow our coverage here.

UN News Today Podcast Cover
UN News Today 18 December 2024
18 December 2024 UN News Today
UN negotiator leaves Damascus, describes ‘a lot of hope’ for a new Syria
Winter rains and aid convoy obstacles worsen ordeal for one million Gazans
87 children among those arbitrarily detained in South Sudan: OHCHR, UNSMISS

Winter rains and aid obstacles worsen ordeal for one million Gazans
18 December 2024 Peace and Security
Nearly one million Gazans risk spending winter without adequate shelter as UN agencies struggle to provide cold weather assistance, amid ongoing Israeli bombardment, repeated evacuation orders and restrictions on aid deliveries, they warned on Wednesday.

A person walks through a destroyed neighbourhood in Gaza.
WFP/Jonathan Dumont
‘Dying hungry and in pain’: An increasingly likely outcome in Gaza
19 December 2024 Humanitarian Aid
The head of the UN aid coordination office in Gaza, Georgios Petropoulos, issued a harrowing update on the dire situation in the enclave on Thursday, describing it as "the most dangerous place on earth right now."

UN News Today Podcast Cover
UN News Today 20 December 2024
20 December 2024 UN News Today
Syria may sink if support lifeline is delayed, says IOM chief
Gaza has become a graveyard and there’s no escape, warn UN aid teams
As avian influenza infections continue to rise, UN health experts believe that the risk to humans from the H5N1 virus is ‘low’.

Hot meals are a lifeline to many Gazans, while the ongoing Israeli siege of northern Gaza enters its 75th day.
WFP/Jonathan Dumont
Gaza is now a graveyard and there’s no escape, say UN aid teams
20 December 2024 Peace and Security
Hunger, dire living conditions made worse by heavy winter rains and ongoing hostilities continue to endanger people’s lives in Gaza, which has become “a graveyard”, UN humanitarians warned on Friday.


23 Dec 2024
Statement by Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, on the Occupied Palestinian Territory
(Amman): I have spent the past week in the Middle East, meeting UN colleagues, partners, authorities and communities in Damascus, Homs, Aleppo, Idlib, Ankara, Beirut, Nabatieh, and Amman.

As I conclude this trip – my first to the region as Humanitarian Chief – I have also been meeting our humanitarian teams in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

In January 2024, the International Court of Justice issued the first set of provisional orders, in the case on the application of the Genocide Convention in the Gaza Strip.

Less than a year later, the sustained intensity of violence means that there is nowhere that civilians in Gaza are safe. Schools, hospitals and civilian infrastructure have been reduced to rubble.

North Gaza has been under a near-total siege for more than two months, raising the spectre of famine. South Gaza is extremely overcrowded, creating horrific living conditions and even greater humanitarian needs as winter sets in. Across Gaza, Israeli airstrikes on densely populated areas continue, including on areas where Israeli forces have ordered people to move, causing destruction, displacement and death.

We deal with tough places to deliver humanitarian support. But Gaza is currently the most dangerous, in a year when more humanitarians have been killed than any on record.

As a result, despite the massive humanitarian needs, it has become almost impossible to deliver even a fraction of the aid that is so urgently required. The Israeli authorities continue to deny us meaningful access – over 100 requests to access North Gaza denied since 6 October. We are also now seeing the breakdown of law and order and the systematic armed looting of our supplies by local gangs.

Meanwhile, in the West Bank the situation continues to deteriorate, and the death toll is the highest we have recorded. In the past year, Israeli military operations resulted in the destruction of essential infrastructure such as roads and water networks, especially in refugee camps from which families have been displaced. Rising settler violence and home demolitions have resulted in displacement and growing needs. Movement restrictions are impeding people’s livelihoods and access to essential services – especially healthcare.

In the face of these challenges, the UN and humanitarian community continue to try to stay and deliver, against mounting odds. We help survivors, and continue to seek practical humanitarian solutions. I call on the international community to defend international humanitarian law, demand protection of all civilians, insist that Hamas release all hostages, defend UNRWA’s vital work, and break the cycle of violence.

I pay tribute to the humanitarians working to save the lives of civilians in these conditions.
https://www.ochaopt.org/content/un-relief-chief-calls-international-community-break-cycle-violence-gaza
 

A young girl looks through a window in Khan Younis, Gaza.
 UNRWA
Only 3 per cent of UN emergency food aid getting to desperate Gazans
23 December 2024 Humanitarian Aid
Since October, when Israeli forces launched a ground offensive in northern Gaza, only three per cent of food and water deliveries organized by the UN World Food Programme (WFP) have been permitted to enter areas in northern Gaza.

UNRWA worker Louise Wateridge visiting a shelter in Nuseirat, Gaza (Nov 2024)
UNRWA
UN News Champion: ‘Are you keeping up with the death?’ The grinding toll of war in Gaza
24 December 2024 Peace and Security
As we near the end of another year of war and humanitarian crisis, UN News is highlighting the extraordinary work of staffers in the field who feed our story-telling efforts for global audiences. Our first UN News Champion is Louise Wateridge of the UN agency for Palestine refugees, UNWRA. Louise’s reporting and communications expertise has enriched our coverage and demonstrated why the UN matters to millions of beneficiaries around the world.

A collection prepared by Uncle Tony's wife, Amal, for Christmas Eve.
UN News
In Gaza, a Christmas without a tree
25 December 2024 Culture and Education
For the second year in a row, Christmas arrived for the Christian community in the Gaza Strip without celebrations, as daily life remains a constant struggle.

Israeli forces are pounding the besieged Gaza Strip, killing at least 25 Palestinians and wounding dozens more as indirect ceasefire talks between Israel and Hamas face more obstacles.
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/12/25/israeli-forces-kill-at-least-24-in-gaza-as-ceasefire-talks-face-challenges

Widespread destruction in Khan Younis, Gaza Strip.
UNOCHA
Gaza: Ongoing civilian casualties amid aid challenges
26 December 2024 Peace and Security
Civilian casualties and injuries continue to be reported across Gaza due to the ongoing hostilities, with most families unable to afford basic food as the humanitarian situation deteriorates, a UN spokesperson reported on Thursday. In Lebanon, the UN peacekeeping mission in the south of the country urged both Israel and Lebanon to prevent any actions that could threaten the fragile ceasefire.

Gaza is in ruins after Israel’s yearlong offensive.
 WFP
Gaza: ‘Hunger is everywhere’, babies die from the cold, airstrike on unarmed journalists condemned
27 December 2024 Peace and Security
Newborns and infants in Gaza have reportedly died of hypothermia, deaths described by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) as preventable. The news comes amid continued Israeli bombardments and an expected further drop in temperatures.

Gaza
Kamal Adwan Hospital has faced several Israeli military bombardments (file)
 WHO
Last hospital in northern Gaza out of service following raid
28 December 2024 Peace and Security
The last major functioning health facility in northern Gaza, Kamal Adwan Hospital, is now out of service, putting the lives of the 75,000 Palestinians remaining in the area at risk, the World Health Organization (WHO) confirmed on Friday.